Tuesday, 26 January 2021

 AN AIDE'S RECALL OF AN EPISODE IN THE EARLY DAYS OF INSURGENCY IN KASHMIR

I don't remember the dates but another time, a unit in Uri had ambushed a very large column of terrorists with huge loads of weapons and ammunition. Several of them were killed. The terrorists dropped their bags, abandoned their dead and ran helter skelter and many were mopped up in search operations. A group of media persons from Delhi were coming to cover this operation. An IAF MI-17 heptr was arranged, the Corps Commander, Adviser Law and Order (Ved Marwah) and I accompanied this team from Srinagar to Uri. It was a remarkable operation by the troops and everyone was happy with the outcome. I sensed that your dad and Ved Marwah after complimenting the troops were very worried. It was for the first time that the scale of Pakistani proxy war was beginning to dawn on people. One win here in Uri but if enough large infiltration attempts are made, inevitable that some would get through. 


As we took off from Uri, Gen Zaki went to the cockpit and asked the pilot to fly along the LC towards Gulmarg and then to Srinagar instead of straight line back to Srinagar. The air force pilot said he had a flight route and would not be able to take a detour. Followed by a long death stare. The pilot then said he would do a small detour to avoid the cloud formation enroute and everyone agreed it was a good idea. 


After about 10-15 minutes Gen Zaki walked to the windows on the right side and then called Ved Marwah. He showed in a particular nala and said this is a probable infiltration route. Ved looked and nodded wisely. I looked though another window and wasn't able to find anything significant about this nala as there were many like this. We came back to Srinagar and on reaching the Corps HQ, he called BGS and Col GS to the ops room and after a discussion, he ordered a column to be moved to the nala. Over the next couple of months, more infiltrators were caught here than anywhere else in the corps! 


How and why did such things happen with him? Because he had a photographic memory. He would remember people, dates, places and events in graphic details 35 years later as if they happened yesterday. He also spent at least an hour every day in his study, studying maps of the corps zone. In 1: 1,000,000 then 1:250,000 and finally in 1:50,000 scale. Sector by sector, he recreated 3D terrain images in his mind. Basically a Google map before the idea of a Google map would have been ideated. It also helped that he had been GOC of the Baramula division and then had basically walked to most posts in the sector. An old style soldier who believed that for any sort of tactical or strategic planning in the mountains, understanding the terrain was most important. His knowledge of the land was extraordinary and freaked out his formation commanders and staff alike. Once during the daily morning 'sitrep' briefing in the corps ops room, listing out the over 100 instances of exchange of fire on the LC during the night, Gen Zaki suddenly said 'not possible'. Everyone literally jumped. Why was it not possible that X post of the Pakis had fired with AD guns in ground role at Y Indian Army post on the LC? Because he said, the posts are more than 7km away and there is no line of sight between the two posts! 


A combination of knowing the terrain, very strong Instincts, ability to out think the Pakis: Gen Zaki was a very special Corps Commander for a very special Corps at a vital time in its history. The Governor, his Advisors, DG Police, IG BSF and everyone else in J&K listened to him and depended on him. In some ways, he was holding Kashmir with India with the Army when every other organ of state had failed utterly.

Monday, 25 January 2021

An ADC recalls his charge, Chinar Corps Commander

That was a man, an officer, a gentleman, a leader..... actually so many things rolled into one. My great fortune to have served with him, seen him in combat. 


Fd Marshal Manekshaw was wrong. I know for sure as a first hand witness. Saw your dad under fire and there was no fear. Not every soldier who knows no fear is a Gorkha and your dad certainly wasn't one. Bloody abnormal if you ask me. But then when was he ever happy being normal? Set his own standards and they were always higher than anyone else.


Every time we ended up going to a fire fight, he freaked me out. I was shit scared. Not for myself, but I was scared he would get hit and how would I face your mom? So I did everything I could possibly do to keep him safe while he did everything he possibly could to get involved in the fighting. He truly is a reincarnation of a fighting man. In his previous lives, he might have been fighting with Spartacus, or Alexander, Shivaji and the likes. In the front row.

Actually on the occassions we were in combat situations, everytime something really wierd would happen. I wouldn't be able to cook up these things even if I had a more fertile imagination. Real life around your dad was unusual:

- Once near Nawa Kadal, we had a cordon around a locality and a search was on. One guy in a feran was walking through the cordon. About 100 yards away. After he ignored our calls to halt, your dad asked me to fire a warning shot. A puff of dirt in front of his feet, he didn't stop. He said fire. I fired 5 aimed single shots and all missed him when he was at walking speed. Those days I had 100% hit rate at 300 m. That guy was meant to get away and live. 

- Another day, we were walking around in Rainawari when terrorists were firing on 20 SIKH columns from windows of upper floors. I heard some sound behind a building, went around and found a terrorist with an AK. I fired at him with my pistol and missed. He threw his AK down, jumped into the water and tried to swim away. I ran to the edge of the water and started to shoot. Got him with my 4th shot. Later when I was returning the weapon to kot, found that the last case had not ejected and was stuck. This guy was destined to die because if that round missed, he would have got away before I could fix the stoppage.


Whatever your religious beliefs (I was an atheist), around him, in combat situations, you would believe in destiny. Damn freaky 🙄😳

At this time I was engaged. Both families were very keen on early marriage. I kept giving excuses till we reached Dehradun. Didn't know when things could go wrong and didn't want to leave a young widow. I somehow believed then that if I survived the Srinagar ADC tenure and was able to get your dad out safe too, then for the rest of my service, I would be safe. Turned out like that.

- In Kokernag, when he got wounded, he asked me to go around the fire station building and coordinate the fire support when the assault party would move in. I went around and by the time I returned, he was crawling towards the fire station with a JCO and 6-8 men from his escort!!! Maj Gen Mallik of 8 Div was trying his best to control covering fire. Have you ever seen a Lt Gen crawling towards the enemy with a pistol in his hand (he would go towards the enemy bare handed too) and a Maj Gen trying to control 4 LMGs and giving him covering fire? Whole thing was bloody rediculous and both could have got hit. I asked Gen Mallik to stop firing to allow me to catch up with your dad, who by now was reaching the building. I just took my chances and dashed across the open ground and reached him when he was trying to get into the door which was latched from inside. I asked him what he was doing and he said let's go in and get them. The Corps Cdr wanted to lead the charge with a lousy pistol!! The he saw I was carrying 2 grenades and he asked me to hand them over. I gave him both grenades, then jumped up and smashed the glass on the ventilator above the door. He threw in both grens one after the other. I kicked the door open and went in. Behind me was one jawan with an AK and third to enter was your dad. We were going from bright light and snow to a dark and dusty verandah and we're initially blinded. From the other side of the corridor, about 20m away, a burst of AK, bullets going past me. One hit the jawan in his palm, went through, hit the barrel of his AK, splintered and these splinters went like a shower, upward, hitting your dad in his scalp. He collapsed and there was profuse blood from his head. The escort just covered his body with theirs and pulled him out of the building. I took position near the stairs to cover them. Then for the next hour, he was revived by doctor and refusing to be evacuated to Anantnag till I was brought out as well " he may need medical attention more than me". So at some point Gen Mallik and others assumed I was dead, started to bring down the building with RL fire. Truck loads of RL HE rounds were being fired into the building while I ran from one side to the other, ears not functioning after so much blast shock. Gen Mallik then told your dad that I was dead and he could leave. He did not. When I came out much later from the ashes of the building, he was as surprised to see me alive as I was to see him alive. We drove to Anantnag where a chopper was waiting to take us to Srinagar. He was taken to Base Hospital for patching up and I went to meet your mom at home. She had already been harassed by journalists asking her if it was true that Gen Zaki was no more. She had gone through this once in 1965 already so this time she was praying. When I reached her, the sight of me with soiled clothes and blood stains must have confirmed her worst fears. "Aap unke saath the AP, kaise hone diya?" Apparently her worst fear was the same as my worst fear: keeping Gen Zaki safe was not easy. Only an hour later when your dad reached home did she actually believe he was alright.

 Lots of bodies were recovered from the rubble, I was the last person to get out alive from the building. Couple of fire department employees had been killed by the terrorists. A school teacher sent in to talk to them to surrender was also killed by them. A Hav of the GR unit which was ambushed by these terrorists and had tried to sneak into the building at night to take revenge was also killed and there were other bodies under the rubble.

I think he shaped my mind more than he did yours. You were the rebel kid, questioning dad, assuming you knew better than him (you didn't then, but he was indulgent too, let you be). I was like a sponge, absorbing every word he said, never once questioning his words, actions or choices. In the end I became somewhat like him. Often in difficult situations, decision dilemmas, I would try to imagine what he would do in that situation. That was my answer. Still is.

When I came back to my unit, everyone assumed I had come back from a ceremonial ADC tenure. Few believed that I was mostly in combat fatigues and often under fire.

 M y 600th blog post:




Thursday, 21 January 2021

 https://archive.claws.in/1567/nurturing-radical-professionalism-ali-ahmed.html

Nurturing Radical Professionalism

With the conduct of the first Lt Gen Hanut Memorial Lecture, the Center for Joint Warfare Studies has taken on annual yeoman’s task. While the lecture topics will over coming years no doubt reflect the key themes of professional interest of the times, they would hopefully also serve to highlight the significance of radical professionalism, associated with the likes of Hanut Singh.

India’s martial history is replete with instances reflecting and personalities imbued with radical professionalism, ranging from epic heroes to medieval soldier-saints. The two – episodes and personalities - can hardly be separated. Indeed, only leaders and warriors with radical professionalism can pull of feats of radical professionalism.

Rather than defining the term, illustrations serve the purpose better. Episodes of display of radical professionalism are easy to spot: Saragarhi; Rezangla; capture of Haji Pir; the first step on the Saltoro ridgeline; the battle for Quaid post are some such. Others do not readily spring to mind, but are of no less a category: Dewan Ranjit Rai’s stand at Pattan; the occupation of Namka Chu; the miscued heliborne operation in Jaffna; and the unshod assault with a prayer on the lip into the holy precincts of Golden Temple.

Equally, figures embodying the phrase are easy to identify, more so in retrospect. For instance, the figure immortalized by the words ‘dil maange more’, Capt Batra, was distinct from the more modest but equally inspired and inspiring, Manoj Pandey. Charismatic leaders also fit the bill: Manekshaw, Bhagat, Hanut are among those reaching higher echelons. However, that is not a necessary condition for qualifying as a radical professional. While ‘NJ’ Nair’s Ashok Chakra and Kirti Chakra attest to his radical professionalism, those who knew him recount that they were aware of it even when he was not decorated.

Also, it does not require rendering conspicuous service to qualify. For instance, anyone in the National Defence Academy in the early eighties could spot the colossus Subedar Major Darbara Singh striding across the parade ground as personifying the traits. Only apparently prosaic, another example is of the redoubtable Gorkha soldier with his Khukri single handedly fighting off bandits on a train. All have acquaintances meriting inclusion in the category. All have been privy to mess conversations in awe of such feats, such as professional stands taken and personal sacrifices made. 

This recounting is necessary to highlight that radical professionalism remains ticking, testifying to its good health when challenges arise. However, complacency on that account is unwarranted. The bureaucratization of the service; the eclipse of amateurs; the impersonalisation of processes and procedures; the substitution of the man behind the machine with a dazzling array of acquisitions; the assembly line system in place for ingestion and turning out of soldiers and officers; the inexorable expansion; organization innovation suggestive of dilution in rank and status; displacement of the leadership ethic by management etc., all conspire to degrade radical professionalism.

In face of such onslaught, either at a minimum alertness is required and at a maximum concerted action protective of radical professionalism. Since alarmism is undesirable, this article merely serves to alert. Being article length, its discussion is confined to the officer cadre.

Moments in the life of the officer corps that did prompt introspection, such as the more visible one in the shadow of defeat of 1962 and the less obvious long interregnum after the end of 1971 War till the tests of Operations Blue Star and Pawan. The 1962 defeat did energise the army through the sixties, resulting in its good showing in the 1965 War, brought home to contemporary attention during the observation of its fiftieth anniversary, and culminating in the 1971 victory. However, relative peace thereafter was jolted by onset of irregular conflict in the mid eighties. The jolt was best expressed in the famous Sundarji DO to all officers.

However, there has been no cataclysm such as the Vietnam War was for the US officer corps. That debacle inspired the junior who served there, enabling a makeover of the US army in its turning out leaders such as Colin Powell, Stormin’ Norman Schwarzkopf and later, David Petraeus. The latter’s doctoral dissertation was on the effect of Vietnam on the US military.

It is apparent that among other measures, in its recovery the US military nurtured and preserved radical professionals. The commander of the Hail Mary manoeuvre that truncated the Gulf War I to only 100 hours was an amputee from the Vietnam war, General Franks heading VII Corps. Take Petraeus himself. When shot accidentally in a battle inoculation, he arranged a premature discharge from the hospital for himself by knocking off fifty push-ups.

Learning from others implies recognizing and valuing radical professionalism. This is not unknown to the army. This author’s research into the battle histories surrounding the 1965 War at its anniversary enabled insight into such traits and testimony of their in-service value. Research turned up a citation, written largely by the Field Observation Officer that accompanied the company in action that reads:

Major A (to remain unnamed here) was van guard company commander. The enemy    consisted of a coy plus of 7 BALUCH with detachments of 5 HORSE…. When the van guard was practically taken by surprise and came under heavy small arms fire, mortar and artillery fire, Major A appreciated the situation and put in a lightening attack with his company… Major A led the attack personally and with the (regimental) war cry…. over ran the enemy defences. In the close dog fight... he was himself severely wounded in the left arm but continued the assault 600 yards deep till the objective was captured. Profusely bleeding and growing with pain (sic), he led his coy and ‘reorganized’ beyond the objective. He refused to be evacuated till another company was sent up…Throughout this fighting battle he was up and in the assault line encouraging and leading his coy…

The officer decorated for gallantry as company commander in the war went on to three star rank in command in an operational area. His ADC there recounts that once, the general officer once under fire led his QRT in a house clearing drill and suffered a head injury when lobbing a grenade through a window. Berated by the then Chief for the potentially dangerous action, the general officer replied that so long as he was the senior on the ground, it would remain his privilege to be first to put his life on line. 

This remains the case. An officer who stood up for what is right while at MS Branch went on to be army commander. Another officer who reputedly did so too only to be packed off to Siachen, nevertheless today continues on the ladder. When the army was held up momentarily by LTTE in its assault on Jaffna, General Sundarji handpicked a few rough and tough officers and sped them off southwards to do their thing. An army commander known for moral courage reportedly warded off pressures for attack at the onset of Op Parakram, citing preparedness. The current day army chief, known for being no mean runner of 10k even today, forewent staff course selection in order to be alongside his Gorkhas in Sri Lanka.

Clearly, the army continues to be cognizant of the indispensability of radical professionals in its ranks. The conclusion here is that it must continue doing so irrespective of inevitable technology upgrades, managerial compulsions and profusion of equipment. 

 https://idsa.in/jds/9_3_2015_AnInfantryCombatLeadersMemoirofthe1965War

https://idsa.in/system/files/jds/jds_9_3_2015_AnInfantryCombatLeadersMemoirofthe1965War_0.pdf

The article is a recall of the 1965 War by an infantry company commander in the war. It attempts to bring out how the war was conducted at the tactical level. Charlie Company, commanded by the author, was involved in several skirmishes, company and battalion level attacks as part of 19 Maratha Light Infantry. The unit was part of 7 Infantry Division and fought on the Punjab front. The article covers the run up to the war and the battles, bringing out the human element and tactical level aspects of conflict, some of which continue to be relevant 50 years on. It is a worm’s eye view of war, with an emphasis on combat leadership.

An Infantry Combat Leader’s Memoir of  the 1965 War

M.A. Zaki*

The article is a recall of the 1965 War by an infantry company commander in the war. It attempts to bring out how the war was conducted at the tactical level. Charlie Company, commanded by the author, was involved in several skirmishes, company and battalion level attacks as part of 19 Maratha Light Infantry. The unit was part of 7 Infantry Division and fought on the Punjab front. The article covers the run up to the war and the battles, bringing out the human element and tactical level aspects of conflict, some of which continue to be relevant 50 years on. It is a worm’s eye view of war, with an emphasis on combat leadership.

The Making of a CoMbaT Leader When the 100-year-old state forces battalion, Rajaram Rifles Kolhapur, merged with Indian Army on 4 June 1949 at Lucknow, it was renamed 19 Maratha Light Infantry (Kolhapur) (19 Maratha). Soon thereafter, the unit earned its spurs providing assistance to the Government of Nepal on its request to the Indian government for the arrest of Dr Kunwar Indrajeet Singh. Indrajeet Singh, the first medical doctor from Nepal and land distribution campaigner, was a critic of Nepal’s treaty with India and of the rule by the Ranas. I was introduced to such tidbits of unit history as part of regimentation in the unit when I joined it after commissioning from the Indian Military Academy (IMA) in December 1955. I had opted for the Marathas, hoping to join the Maratha parachute battalion, 2 Para (3 Maratha). A paratroops optee had to, on commission, first join the parent regiment of the Para battalion before probation. I had chosen the Marathas, inspired by the feat of Naik Yashwant Ghadge, posthumous Victoria Cross winner from the Italian campaign of World War II. While at Joint Services Wing (JSW), my Maratha coursemates M.R. Gode and A.A. Wagh would affectionately call me ‘Tanaji Malusare’. Finding out more about Tanaji of Sinhgarh fame, I learnt of his exploits that led to Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s acclaim, Garh ala, Sinh gela (The fort is with us; but the Lion is no more!). Thus I chanced upon tales of Yashwant Ghadge, inspiring me to join the Marathas. When in the unit, I applied for probation, but unknown to me, my commanding officer (CO) did not forward my application. On posting out, he told me that he had withheld the application. In my initial service in Rajasthan and Delhi, I got to know more of the martial qualities of the Marathas, fabled troops from the mountain fastnesses of the Deccan and followers of the legendary Chhatrapati. Family lore had it that our Uzbek forefathers had come to Deccan when Moghuls needed forces to tackle the Marathas in the Deccan. It is a tribute to the assimilative character of India that three centuries and 10 generations on, in independent India, I had the honour of serving with the Marathas. During the tenure in Rajasthan, I was detailed to site Rajasthan Armed Constabulary platoons along the border from Bamno ki Dhani, north of Rann of Kutch, northwards till Munabao and Gadra Road. To my surprise, there was a village, Chandni ke Paar, that was half in India and half in Pakistan. In another incident, I led a company to apprehend dacoits who had holed out in a cave on the northern slopes of Mount Abu hills. Such adventurous experiences were a great launch into service life. Soon after, the unit moved for its field tenure of three years in counter-insurgency operations to the Naga Hills (1958–60). As a young captain, I picked up the nuances of leadership at the tactical level against the versatile and hardened Naga hostiles, an honourable foe. As the roving company commander, I managed to be with all companies, relieving company commanders proceeding on leave. The unique grounding shaped me as a leader by providing early exposure to leading troop and command responsibilities. One long-range patrol that, we did lasted 38 days, sustained by three air drops, on the slopes of Mount Japvo, the highest feature in Nagaland. The leadership takeaway was, ‘On the front, lead from the front’. In 1961, the unit moved to Calcutta for a well earned rest. Selected as Aide to our first President, Babu Rajendra Prasad, I missed this tenure. I was serving on personal staff of the President, Dr Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan, when, in 1962, the unit was flown from Calcutta to Tezpur. As part of the hastily organised defence in face of the Chinese onslaught, it moved to Bomdi La, and thereafter to Dirang, forming part of 48 Infantry Brigade taking up defences. The Rashtrapati did not accept my request made during the war to return to the unit; but instead directed that I convey the content of the daily military operations briefings of the war to him. He finally acceded to his son, the historian, Dr S. Gopal, interceding on my behalf. As a result, I could rejoin the unit only when it reached Ranchi to recoup after its withdrawal to Udalguri in an organised retreat. The brigade then moved to Ambala and thereafter to Yol to form part of the 7 ‘Golden Arrow’ Infantry Division, famous for its role in the Burma campaign. The purpose of this lengthy introduction is to highlight that creating combat leaders is a complex and time-consuming process, involving both nature and nurture. The initial grooming is often in cadet training schools—in my case, the illustrious Prince of Wales’ Royal Indian Military College that I had joined pre-Independence—followed by a tough regimen in two academies and then, finally, moulding as a young officer in the unit. Whereas today professionalism instilled with greater attention and mass production, almost on an assembly line basis, of junior leaders from several different academies and intake streams could lead to dilution in emphasis on combat leadership traits and moral qualities. Individuated attention in training and mentoring in units are ways to build junior leaders. Increasing the scope of responsibility at the junior level may be a challenge today in face of incessant expansion of the officer corps and upgradation of ranks. Whereas human material is indeed more aware today and technology has changed the character of war, the nature of the fighting man, and of war, has not changed. Therefore, the age-old warrior ethic must continue to be nurtured since, ultimately, war is about combat and combat is about blood and gore.

beTween The wars At the battalion’s peace tenure at Ambala and Yol, comprehensive, practical and realistic training was a priority. The army deployed training as the instrument for bouncing back from the reverse of 1962. The expansion resulting from the war also necessitated a greater training effort. From our experience in Nagaland and the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA), we stressed physical fitness. Battle efficiency tests of 2 and 10 mile runs were regularly held. Rifle companies alternated on the obstacle course daily. The month’s activities usually rounded up with a long route march. Skill-at-arms competitions were routinely organised every quarter and culminated in field firing. The exerciseson the range were practical and realistic. Rifle companies were made to assault the target area while firing on the move. This live firing and ‘fire-and-move’ training proved useful battle inoculation. The yearly round of sports competitions in peace stations helped build cohesion and competitive spirit in primary groups and sub-units. Promotion cadres were the highlight of the professional training cycles in cantonments. Regularly held and rigorous, the reward was for merit and effort. On the administrative day, typically Saturday, company commanders assembled their respective company for an informal discussion on minor tactics. All ranks participated in what turned out to be lively discussions, developing an ability to think about operations of war in the junior leadership. War clouds gathered on the horizon with the events in far away Kutch in April 1965. The army was partially mobilised in Operation Ablaze in case the localised conflict escalated. During the deployment at Patti in Punjab, practical training was carried out so that troops got to know their areas and were made fully aware of the developing situation. We were mentally and physically hardened to accept any challenge that could arise in short order. As a result of the deployment and extensive reconnaissance, the area between Khalra and Khem Karan was well known to troops. In July, after a summer expecting war outbreak, we returned to barracks when the situation stabilised in Kutch. However, in August, we learnt, largely through radio news bulletins, that Pakistani infiltrators were active in Srinagar Valley. In reaction, the army captured the launch pads of the infiltrators across the ceasefire line (CFL) in the Haji Pir sector in late August. This prompted the Pakistanis to launch a full-scale attack from the Sialkot salient for the capture of Akhnoor on 1 September 1965. They hoped that India, forced on the back foot by threatened lines of communications in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), would restrict its response to only J&K, as it had done in 1947– 48. But with J&K being an integral part of India, any attack on it could only be taken as an attack on India. Therefore, the government decided on opening up the Punjab front, for which the army was pre-prepared with its war plans finalised on 9 August. Since we were committed to a policy of peace, the offensive plan was predicated on Pakistan taking the initiative by commencing offensive operations. Pakistan duly obliged by its offensive into Chhamb. On 3 September, the government gave the ‘go ahead’, with the D-Day being 7 September. The Army Headquarters (HQ) directive required the Western Command to ensure that security of the international boundary in Punjab and Rajasthan, even while launching limited offensives into Pakistan with a view to gaining territory and keeping the lines of communications open to J&K. The Army Commander, Lieutenant General (Lt Gen) Harbaksh Singh’s concept of operations was that after blunting Pakistan’s offensive and stabilising the overall situation, his Command would launch a limited offensive with the aim of capturing Pakistan’s territory east of the Ravi river, and following up with capture of Lahore if possible. XI Corps, responsible for the plains sector, consequently was tasked to destroy any enemy that might enter Punjab and Ganganagar sector in Rajasthan; advance to Ichhogil Canal along the axis Grand Trunk Road, Bhikhiwind–Khalra and Bhikhiwind– Khem Karan, and posture as to capture Lahore on orders in subsequent phases.Thus, after stabilising the counter-infiltration situation in J&K, the Command undertook to react to Pakistani pressure in Chhamb by limited offensives across the front with D-Day preponed to 6 September. H-Hour was postponed by an hour to 0500 hours.

CoMpany CoMMand in war During Operation Ablaze, the war game of XI Corps had been conducted at Amritsar and plans had been finalised. Thereupon procedures had been streamlined and all down to unit level had been acquainted with possible tasks and objectives. This allowed initial surprise to be achieved when the proverbial ‘balloon went up’. I was on a Land–Air Warfare course, so I could only join up with the unit on 8 September, missing the outbreak of hostilities.

The First Round: Initial Objectives Scrambling in good order out of cantonments close to the border, the HQ 7 Infantry Division concentrated at Narla by 5 September (refer Figure 1), with 48 Infantry Brigadeat area Sidhwan–Mughal Chak. The other units of 48 Infantry Brigade were 5 Guards and 6/8 Gorkha Rifles (GR). The brigade was to gain the line of Hudiara Drain and, if possible, capture the bridge across it intact. In addition to capture of territory, capturing the bridge was to deny tank crossings as also enable our own tanks to get across when needed.

Attack on Hudiara On 6 September, operations commenced at 0445 hours. In the first hour, troops of 4 Sikh and 6/8 GR had, in preliminary operations, captured Theh Marja and Rakh Hardit Singh as well as the post at Ghawindi Barrier. Thereupon, 48 Infantry Brigade Group commenced advance into Pakistan astride the road Khalra–Barki, with 6/8 GR leading the advance. 6/8 GR’s leading company was engaged by the enemy holding Hudiara and Nurpur with heavy artillery, mortar and medium machine gun (MMG) fire. By early forenoon, Hudiara was captured. It was not possible to capture Hudiara Drain position as the dispositions of the enemy were a company each at Hudiara Drain and Nurpur. The brigade tasked 5 Guards to capture Nurpur company locality of the enemy. The 5 Guards commenced advance in the afternoon and by the evening, it had succeeded in cutting the enemy off by an outflanking move. The enemy, fearing capture, blew up the bridge on Hudiara Drain and withdrew to Barka Kalan and Barka Khurd. Dusk found 48 Infantry Brigade firmed in with 5 Guards and 19 Maratha across the Drain, 




Figure 1 Divisional Deployment in Concentration Area Source: Author.

and 6/8 GR to the east of Hudiara Drain. The 7 Infantry divisional engineers commenced constructing a causeway and Bailey bridge on  Hudiara Drain. The 7 Infantry Division tasked 65 Infantry Brigade to capture Barki with Central India Horse (CIH) less one squadron. Barki’s importance was due to the fact that there was a bridge over the Ichhogil Canal and its capture would threaten Lahore from the south-east. Advancing troops moved upto Barka Kalan and Barka Khurd for preparations for capture of Barki. The 48 Infantry Brigade that was across the Drain was ordered back to clear the enemy from own side of Hudiara Drain. On 9 September, as 5 Guards and 6/8 GR moved to capture Jhaman, 19 Maratha was ordered to clear Hudiara village of enemy snipers. I was back with C Company; lucky not to have missed out on any action since 19 Maratha had, in the opening moves, been held in reserve. We moved to Hudiara village at 0630 hours and commenced the task. At 1100 hours, a liaison officer came from the 48 Brigade HQ and informed the company to move back to the battalion as enemy tanks were sighted moving towards the village. Along with C Company was a company of the Punjab Armed Police moving to the firm base. When we moved back, the Brigade Defence and Employment Company turned their light machine guns (LMGs) and other weapons towards us, mistaking the Punjab Police in khaki uniforms as enemy troops. The alert logistics staff officer at the Brigade HQs, Major S.P.S. Shrikant, MVC, averted a ‘blueon-blue’ fratricide by quickly ordering the troops not to fire. Further, it turned out later that the tanks sighted were not those of the enemy but of our own CIH! After 65 Infantry Brigade’s capture of Barki by 4 Sikh, that battalion was earmarked for a special task, the capture of Khem Karan. The 19 Maratha was ordered to relieve 4 Sikh at Barki and was placed under command of 65 Infantry Brigade. On 12 September, forward elements of C Company reached Barki at 1700 hours, with the unit fetching up soon thereafter. While the process of taking over the defences was underway, at 2300 hours, we were ordered to fall back to Barka Kalan and Barka Khurd. The unit remained deployed here for a brief period, the proverbial lull prior to the storm of action to follow(refer Figure 2). Pakistani troops that had remained in forward areas during the stand-off in summer had been quick to react across the front, and in a counter-offensive towards our south in Khem Karan had created a  criticality.




Figure 2 Movement and Actions of 19 Maratha Source: Author. 

Attack on Manhiala On 16 September, at 1430 hours, 65 Infantry Brigade tasked 19 Maratha to send a company group to Manhiala, almost on the inter-formation boundary of 7 and 15 Infantry Divisions, and capture it. C Company was tasked for this. The briefing had it that, at best, with a detachment of the enemy holding Manhiala, mopping up was all it would take. For this task, Section 81mm Mortars, Section MMGs and two recoilless (RCL) gun detachments were grouped with C Company. Tiger C Company bid for Lieutenant (Lt) Bikram Singh to go with the company as company second-in-command (2iC), since the company had been given an independent task almost 10 kilometres (km) from defended area. The company had to march almost 10 km and, by that evening, attack and capture the objective.

When C Company reached Manhiala, it came under artillery and mortar fire from the Ichhogil defences. About 1,500 yards away from the village was a troop of tanks of CIH under Major J.K. Dutt. In its direct support, C Company had a field battery of 66 Field Regiment. On preliminary reconnaissance, the village turned out to be a large one. The company put in an unconventional attack by having all three platoons up to represent a larger frontage simulating a two-company attack. The ruse worked and the enemy, apprehending a two-company attack, vacated it. By 0200 hours on 17 September 1965, the village was cleared and the company firmed in towards its north-west in a guava grove. The remainder battalion arrived from Barka Kalan only after dawn. 

Attack on Jhaman At 1000 hours, the battalion was ordered to move almost 25 km southwards and be prepared to attack Jhaman on18 September 1965. For this task, it reverted once again to 48 Infantry Brigade. Brigadier Piara Singh, VrC, MC, who had just taken over command of the 48 Infantry Brigade, ordered 19 Maratha to capture the area north-west of Jhaman by launching a battalion attack. Jhaman provided depth to Ichhogil Canal and had to be cleared for our forward zone to extend up to the enemy’s forward obstacle. The aim was to capture the bridge on Ichhogil Canal on the capture of Jhaman. Two attacks so far had failed, the first by 5 Guards and the second by 5 Guards along with 6/8 GR. It appeared that the enemy had strengthened the bridge location. This was the third attack with 6/8 GR to the south-west of 19 Maratha. H-Hour for the attack was 1530 hours. The distance of the forming up place (FUP) from the village was 1,500 yards. The Battalion Commander, Lieutenant Colonel (Lt Col) S.D. Parab, ordered a two-company attack with C Company as the left assault company. The company objective was the built-up area to the north-west of the village. Bravo Company, under Lt Vasant Chavan, was to its right (refer Figure 3). The Brigadier, on his rounds of the FUP, met Tiger C Company leading his troops into the FUP. The Forward Observation Officer (FOO) alongside the Tiger C Company was Captain Ravikant of 66 Field Regiment. After introductions, since the Brigadier was newly in  command of the brigade, he urged the importance of Jhaman and its capture. Tiger C Company reassured him, saying, ‘The time now is 1500 hours. H-Hour is at 1530 hours and the objective will be captured by 1700 hours.’ Even though the advancing columns were subjected to heavy artillery, mortar and MMG fire from the Ichhogil defences, the attack was successful. C Company captured 13 prisoners.

The Second Round: Task Force For its next task immediately thereafter, 19 Maratha was ordered to hand over to 6/8 GR and move out of Jhaman. It was to concentrate south of Rajoke. Close by, tanks of 7 Cavalry (CAV) were in harbour along the Hudiara Drain, preparing to advance the next morning. At 2200 hours, Tiger C Company was sent for to join the Brigade ‘O’ (Orders) Group. He reported to the Brigade Commander who had, along with him, his ‘Orders’ Group comprising COs of 19 Maratha and 7 CAV and squadron commander of 7 CAV, Major Nanavati. The ‘O’ Group was preparing for securing the right flank of 4 Mountain Division further to the south, which had been under pressure during the battles of Khem Karan and Asal Uttar earlier. For the purpose, the brigade was designated as a Task Force comprising of 19 Maratha and 




Figure 3 Attack on Jhaman Source: Drawn by Author. 

7 CAV less one squadron, under the command of Brigadier Piara Singh, VrC, MC. Its offensive action on the enemy that had in gressed into 4 Mountain Division sector was to enable 4 Mountain Division’s second attempt at throwing the enemy back. The Brigade Commander, in his briefing, tasked Tiger C Company to be the Vanguard Commander and grouped a squadron of 7 CAV with the vanguard company. The objective, Thatti Jaimal Singh, was appreciated to be held by a section. The village on Indian territory had been captured by the enemy during its offensive to take Khem Karan. The area up to Dholan further to the south, again strongly held by the enemy, was then to be cleared.1 The advance was to commence at 0615 hours on 19 September. During coordination between infantry and armour, the squadron commander of 7 CAV, Major Nanavati, inquired as to how the troops would cross Ruhi Nala enroute. Tiger C Company replied that troops would wade across. Since the radio sets in the tanks were Russian and the infantry did not have compatible radio sets, Senior Junior Commissioned Officer (JCO), Subedar Dadu Patil, with Radio Set 31 was deputed to ride atop the squadron commander’s tank for inter-communications in the thick of battle.

Attack on Chathanwala Even as C Company secured the start point, orders were received to stay put and to move only on orders of the battalion. Brigadier Piara Singh decided that a company of 19 Maratha and a squadron of 7 CAV would attack Chathanwala. Delta Company, under Captain Vijay Kumar, and a squadron of 7 CAV, led by Major Man Mohan Chopra, attacked at 1000 hours on 19 September. Though a quick attack, it was a hurried affair with insufficient time for battle drills, including recce and briefing for the junior leaders and troops. As it turned out, the enemy was in strength, more than had been appreciated, and enemy tanks were positioned in hull down position in the defences. The advance to the objective was under constant direct and indirect fire. Captain Vijay Kumar was wounded, along with 29 Other Ranks (ORs). His company 2iC, Subedar K.B. Sawlekar, and two ORs were killed. Three PT 76 tanks bogged down and their recovery under intense fire was a challenge. A platoon of B Company, under Second Lt F.A. Khan, provided cover by fire, while 7 CAV personnel engaged in the tricky recovery. Squadron commander, Major Chopra, was wounded and later succumbed to his injuries.

Attack on Thatti Jaimal Singh On 20 September, the advance of C Company commenced at 0615 hours. Second Lt K.S. Chhokar, a newly commissioned officer of 66 Field Regiment, joined the company as FOO. Soon after crossing Ruhi Nala, the company came under fire from the right, western flank. At 0730 hours, the point platoon, under Naib Subedar Hariba Barge, was engaged by the enemy entrenched about 200 yards away. The Tiger C Company, who was with the point platoon, carried out a quick appreciation. To attack frontally appeared suicidal, so he moved the company into the sugar cane fields further to the right. While in adhoc FUP, the gallant platoon leader, Naib Subedar Hanumant Barge, was hit on the right leg by an LMG burst. Tiger C Company ordered Company Havildar Major (CHM) Krishna Sawant to take over the platoon under enemy fire. Forming up the platoons, with Sawant’s on the right and the platoon of Subedar Vasadev Dalvi, another hardy soldier, on the left, C Company squared off against the objective (refer Figure 4).

Figure 4 Attack on Thatti Jaimal Singh Source: Author. 

As the assaulting troops emerged from the sugar cane field, they appeared on the enemy’s flank, surprising the enemy platoon and company HQ. The FOO, Second Lt K.S. Chhokar, brought down artillery fire on the enemy even as his gunner carrying the radio set got injured. Tiger C Company provided a replacement from among the Marathas to carry the set. Since the radio set was not receiving messages, it was evidently damaged. Tiger C Company told the FOO to continue sending messages and if that brought down artillery fire, the set was functional. Providentially, the outgoing messages worked and artillery support continued. The enemy artillery was equally busy, subjecting the assaulting company to repeated crunches. The company drew mortar and tank fire from nearby Dholan. Suddenly, Subedar Vasudev Dalvi—leading the left assault platoon—shouted, ‘Sahib, phure baga bunker aahey!’ (Sahib, look to your front, bunker ahead!). Simultaneously, Tiger C Company was in two leaps on the bunker, even as his radio operator, Lance Naik Baban Timkre, was hit by the LMG fire from the bunker. The bunker was neutralised by CHM Krishna Sawant. In the succeeding hand-tohand fighting, the enemy’s company HQ was captured with war booty, including an observation post (OP) officer’s marked map, two RCL jeeps with a trailer and two trucks full of ammunition. Seventeen enemy soldiers lay dead. By an improvised flanking attack, the C Company had taken the enemy from the rear. Disoriented, the enemy ran away towards Sanktra to the south. By 0915 hours, Thatti Jaimal Singh was captured by C Company. The success signal was given and follow-up troops were called forward. At 0920 hours, as the company was reorganising, Tiger C Company was wounded in tank fire from Dholan. Alongside, the company was subjected to concentrated artillery, tank and mortar fire. It turned out that the enemy’s air OP was directing fire with an intention of softening the objective for a counter-attack. The company held on, with Tiger C Company refusing evacuation till follow-up troops arrived at the captured position. However, since there was no response from the Battalion HQ, it appeared that the radio link was not working. Tiger C Company used the artillery channel through Second Lt Chhokar’s radio link to the gun position to apprise the brigade of developments. Finally, A Company, under Lt Bikram Singh, came up and deployed to the right of C Company on a bundh. Only then did Tiger C Company walk back to the regimental aid post. Thereafter, while being evacuated to Patti, enroute at Rajoke, he briefed the Brigade Commander about the action. 

In an innovative tactical action, C Company had captured a company position of 7 Baluch, a unique feat in any war, and at a comparatively meagre price of only five killed: one radio operator, Timkre; one MMG gunner, Manohar Kalgutkar; and three ORs. 

The Third Round: Beating Back Counter-attacks The Marathas, having lost over a company in casualties in various actions, were reinforced by B Company of 17 Rajput under Major V.D. Gupte coming under command from 20 September. The captured position was held with C Company on the left, A Company on the right and with the remainder two companies and the additional company of 17 Rajput deployed in depth. The first counter-attack came in early evening at 1600 hours that very day. Though supported by tanks, it was beaten back despite intense shelling and tank fire. The second wave to retake the position commenced immediately thereafter at 1700 hours, but was also repulsed. Punishing artillery fire went on intermittently throughout the night of 20/21 September, in order to soften up the defences for another round of three counter-attacks the following day. The shelling and counter-attacks resulted in a large number of casualties and damage to two tanks of 7 CAV. Three enemy tanks were accounted for by own RCL fire. The enemy’s final effort on 22 September, with prospects of a ceasefire on the cards, was also foiled by the ‘Fighting Nineteenth’. 

ConCLusion The ceasefire found the Marathas with three officers, one JCO and 29 ORs killed in action and three officers, six JCOs and 105 ORs wounded. All company commanders were either killed or wounded, while over a company worth of troops were casualty. The unit’s movements from north to south and vice versa, and putting in four attacks within a span of five days, are testimony of its cohesion, training levels and fighting spirit. The unit operated under three superior headquarters, finally ending up under the famous 4 Infantry Division, though then under cloud owing to its loss of Khem Karan. The battalion’s haul of glory from the war included four Vir Chakras, five Sena Medals, and five Mentions-in-Despatches. But justice would only be done to the memory of its martyrs in case the ‘lessons learnt’ are internalised. The 1999 Kargil War suggests that these remain relevant though a half century has passed. No plan outlasts the first bullet fired. Operations usually pan out as the situation develops, requiring considerable mental agility of commanders at all levels. Since troops have to respond to changing orders, they have to be physically and mentally robust. Sub-unit cohesion requires being of the highest order with the horizontal and vertical bonding sustaining all troops and their leaders. No attack should be mounted in haste as such actions result in avoidable causalities. Enemy strength should be realistically appreciated so that lives are not squandered. This implies that commanders should have sufficient time for recce and briefing of their command. Even if technology is replacing patrolling—the physical part of this battle procedure and drill—it is better to ensure a graduated acclimatisation to the sights, sounds and smells of battle. Rushing troops into battle is akin to going into a game without warming up. Supporting arms must be integrated into units being supported in exercises and made available to the attacking infantry units well before operations. Follow-up troops should be available to strengthen captured objectives early and on call, especially since the Pakistan Army is noted for vigour in counter-attacks. Finally, prominent among those to credit for C Company’s showing in action must be the non-combatant enrolees who brought forward hot food from the unit B-echelon under CQMH Vithal Jadhav, at places under fire. That ‘an army marches on its stomach’ is well said indeed! A war seldom ends with the ceasefire alone. Its legacy remains. Bonds forged last a lifetime. Alongside me in the Military Hospital (MH)in Ambala were both my leading platoon commanders, Subedars Vasudev Dalvi and Naib Subedar Hanumant Barge. Though my third platoon commander Hariba Barge had also been wounded, he was not with us there. When we three were together, with a twinkle in his eye, Naib Subedar Barge tongue-in-cheek reminded that though in his promotion cadre I had tested him on detailed verbal orders, in battle, all the orders he received from his company commander when the company dashed into the sugarcane field to deploy for the attack were, ‘Mere piche move’ (Follow me)! At Southern Command MH Pune, I met CHM Krishna Sawant and Naik Shripat Patil, an assault section commander. Even though Krishna’s right hand was amputated, he was in high spirits. Shripat was getting used to his artificial lower limb. Krishna went on to operate a kiosk outside Victory cinema hall in Pune, while Shripat’s was opposite Sassoon Hospital. Their lives are a lesson in courage of a very different order. Soldiers are inspired by their predecessors through cultural transmission at occasions such as Thatti Jaimal Singh Day celebrated by the unit and Sinhgarh Day observed by the regiment, attended by widows and veterans. I met my wartime CO, Lt Col (later Brigadier) Parab, during one such regimental reunion. Martyrs leave behind widows and children to be cared for and supported by families and communities. Their heroic efforts must be supplemented by institutions, civil society, state governments and the Ministry of Defence. Immediately after sick leave, I met the widow of Subedar Sawlekar, killed in the Chathanwala attack, at Belgaum. Her daughter was a clerk in a company at Pune and her son was studying. When in Karwar once, I had an opportunity of meeting the widow of Sepoy Manohar Kalgutkar, widowed within a year of marriage. Kalgutkar, C Company MMG gunner, lost his life at Thatti Jaimal Singh. She had adopted a son. The demands of combat leadership are exceptional in kind and  degree. Coping is made possible by being selfless and dedicated. While to be professionally sound and mentally robust is vital, moral qualities of fairness and uprightness are equally so. When in danger, troops instinctively follow leaders because they have faith and confidence in them. Their faith comes from the moral qualities they sense in warrior leaders. Confidence comes when troops see their leaders transparently in peace at training and in war leading from the front. While troops, in general, are highly disciplined and god-fearing, the Marathas I was fortunate to serve with were additionally highly motivated, god fearing, and responsive to command. Ratification of the President’s commission in the minds of such fighting men can only be through selfless service and fearless leadership.

Acknowledgement The author thanks his son and grand daughter for their assistance in writing the article. Two books have informed the article: M.G. Abhyankar and C.L. Proudfoot, Valour Enshrined Volume II: A History of the Maratha Light Infantry, 1947-79; Delhi: Orient Longman, 1980; and Harbaksh Singh,  War Despatches: Indo-Pak Conflict 1965, New Delhi: Lancers, 2012. Note 1. The official history erroneously informs that Dholan was captured (B.C. Chakravarty, History of the Indo-Pak War 1965, Ministry of Defence, Government of India, 1992 (unpublished), available at http://www.bharatrakshak.com/ARMY/History/1965War/PDF/, accessed on 5 March 2015, p. 167). Instead, it continued to remain in enemy hands.  

Thursday, 7 January 2021

 https://thekashmirwalla.com/2021/01/in-kashmir-centre-could-pay-a-heavy-price-for-going-the-gd-bakshi-way/

UNEDITED VERSION

In Kashmir, the GD Bakshi way

Maj Gen GD Bakshi has been a very visible face on the idiot box over the past decade. While in military service he was perhaps one of the most prolific of writers of his generation. Though his writings dot the gamut of military publications over the years, one piece that did not see light of day back then has recently surfaced.

In a close look at the defence staff college in Wellington, an American author, David O. Smith, made a reference to this unpublished article by GD Bakshi. Interestingly, Smith first came across the article, ‘Low Intensity Conflict Operations: The Indian Doctrinal Approach’, while undertaking his earlier study of the Pakistani joint command and staff college at Quetta.

Apparently, there it was among the readings for students, quite like in India. It is likely that American attendees at Wellington receiving the article in their pre-course material package, shared it with fellow American military officers attending the staff course at Quetta, which is how it trickled into the recommended reading there.

I came across the article in the readings package while attending the staff course some twenty years back. Efforts since to trace the article in service journals did not bear fruit, indicating that editors possibly balked at publishing it for some reason. That it found its way into the staff course reading material perhaps owes to GD Bakshi, who taught at the college as a colonel causing its insertion into the bumpf.

That it was not carried in service journals (to my knowledge after years of trying to track it down) tells a story. The article then amounted to a counter narrative. While the narrative up-front had it that counter insurgency operations centered on ‘winning hearts and minds’ (WHAM), the counter narrative was that these were part of low intensity conflict (LIC), as GD Bakshi puts in it in the title.

While LIC draws on a kinetic approach associated with Americans, counter insurgency tilts towards the British way of countering insurgency, encapsulated by the Templar-Kitson model, the former, Gerald Templar who as governor in Malaya applied its tenets while Frank Kitson subsequently articulated these in his writings. In the late nineties, there was considerable doctrinal ferment in the Indian military over the two terms – LIC operations and counter insurgency - beset as it had for over a decade in subconventional operations in Punjab, Sri Lanka, Assam and, significantly by then, in Kashmir.

The official narrative was in favour of WHAM, but the ground reality was split between the kinetic approach and a nuanced one. It is best reflected in GD Bakshi’s paper. To him, his articulation of the hardline constituted India’s LIC doctrine. An easy to spot difference between the official narrative on counter insurgency and the GD Bakshi version is on the place of the tactics, cordon and search operations. For Bakshi these were to exhaust the populace in its support for the insurgents. Repeated, extensive and continuing sweeps were to serve as a punitive measure against people, the proverbial ‘sea’, for their support to militant ‘fish’. The Bakshi paper goes on to talk of employment of proxy groups, such as the Ikhwan, the Salwa Judum and the surrendered Assamese fighters. Tellingly in the course material at the defence staff college this page is blanked out, presumably for being rather radical even by the standards of Bakshi’s own paper.

For adjudication, there was a older edition of the counter insurgency pamphlet that relied heavily on the British model and informed by the army’s conduct in the north east. It was only sometime in the nineties, a fresh edition of the counter insurgency pamphlet was put out bearing the imprint of the army’s subsequent experience, particularly in Sri Lanka of the simultaneously hapless and innovative Indian Peace Keeping Force. The pamphlet was less elegant since it was more fleshed out and with tactical operations in greater detail. The newer version too was fairly WHAM friendly. 

It was only in the mid 2000s, that the army came up with a self-regarding doctrinal product on counter insurgency, ‘The Doctrine for Subconventional Operations (DSCO)’. The early 2000s saw the army writing up its doctrines at long last, with the doctrine on conventional operations of 2004 superseding its first edition of 1998 without so much genuflecting to the predecessor doctrine product.

The new subconventional doctrine was also in favour of a people friendly approach, perhaps under influence of the then army chief, JJ Singh, who had once famously teared up on national television. It was also released in a race with the Americans, then writing up their doctrine under tutelage of David Patraeus, and therefore presumably needed to emphasise its distinction from the American approach, then sliding into discredit in both Afghanistan and Iraq.

Even so, the dissonance on ground was reflected in doctrine. The DSCO ruled in favour of kinetic operations initially to gain ascendancy over militants and, with stability restored, shifting to population sensitive intelligence-led operations. While it echoed the Supreme Court on ‘minimal’ use of force, the joint doctrine – hierarchically a higher one – called for ‘optimal’ use of force, seemingly a larger latitude to use of force.

Whereas earlier there was dissonance within the service between the official narrative and the counter narrative, today the very name ‘Operation All Out’ and the manner of its conduct over the past five years suggests that what was once the counter narrative is now the officially sanctioned one. National Security Adviser Doval’s protégé, General Bipin Rawat, early in his tenure signified the shift unapologetically in his wanton defence of Major Leetul Gogoi’s infamous use of a human shield.

Today the trend is starkly manifest. The police figures for militants killed in Kashmir last year is 225. Only late in the year at long last, they let on surrenders were being accepted, with some nine militants surrendering. This level of kinetic operations must be seen in light of a mere 200 militants operating across Kashmir and reportedly under considerable material shortfalls.

Clearly, the earlier self-effacing counter narrative that was in any case alive and kicking even when people were reputedly at the heart of India’s counter insurgency effort, has been ascendant in the Modi era. That it is blatantly so is evident from the Shupian encounter late last year in which three innocents were killed and guns planted on them. Since the crime was called out then, resulting in military justice consequence for the perpetrators, there is yet another in-your-face crime, this time the killing of three at Lawaypora is sought to be justified by the police alluding to the victims being ‘associates’ of militants.

Whereas the official doctrine called for neutralization of over-ground workers (OGW), it appears that now such action includes elimination of OGW. The timing of the latest crime, coinciding as it does with the legal developments in the Shupian case, specifically filing of a charge sheet filed in the court of chief judicial magistrate Shopian, indicate brazenness, reminding the target population, long beset Kashmiris, that they continue in the corner, lest emboldened by small victories as in exposing the uniformed killers of Shupian, they attempt a break out.

The dissonance within the military as to how to view counter insurgency persists. The counter narrative on taking over the intellectual high ground characterizes insurgency as hybrid war. Hybrid war is now the catch-all, a proxy war waged in the ‘gray zone’ with information war as its motif for relatively stable times. Information war includes propaganda by deed, to borrow a phrase from the terror lexicon, which in this case includes deliberate human rights infringements, with impunity broadcast, to show a populace its place as subjects.  

Observers such as David Davidas in his book, Rage, have showed up the strategic price the country has paid. The case he makes is that the violence the departure from official doctrine wrought in Kashmir in the nineties has given rise to the generation of rage today. Under a right wing government’s will to power under what Yashwant Sinha called the ‘doctrine of state’, the counter narrative has won out. The price shall be into this decade, when GD Bakshi is well into his dotage.

 





Tuesday, 5 January 2021

 http://epaper.kashmirtimes.in/index.aspx?page=4

http://www.kashmirtimes.com/newsdet.aspx?q=107042

A fake encounter, yet again?

Police has promised investigation into the Lawaypora encounter in which the army killed three allegedly innocent youth. The police for its part let on that two of the three were reportedly ‘hardcore associates of terrorists’ or over ground workers (OGW). In none of the army’s doctrinal products on counter insurgency, low intensity conflict and hybrid war, as the nature of the conflict in Kashmir has been variously characterised, is there any mention of elimination of OGW. The term used is ‘neutralize’, which by no means implies killing them off.

However, it has long been suspected that in many instances not only in Kashmir but in the north east OGWs have been eliminated rather brought in to face the law. Perhaps most of the 1500 or so allegedly fake encounters referenced in the Supreme Court case in Manipur involve the discreet elimination of OGWs, an Indian equivalent of Dirty War, the killings by the Argentinian junta. Often proxies have been used for such dirty work, such as the Ikhwan in Kashmir and surrendered Assamese militants.

As a line of action in an insurgency there may be a power-oriented logic. To deprive the militant of oxygen, the supporting infrastructure needs dismantling. This is comprised by OGW, who provision necessities, information, surveillance, finances and recruiting support. Where the intensity of insurgency is high, the state lacks capacity to interdict the OGW base through legal means, leading to the legal shortcuts that extrajudicial killings necessarily imply. It was argued by no less than KPS Gill that such was the case in Punjab.

By no means can this argument apply in Kashmir today. The police informs that in 103 encounters last year, 225 militants have been eliminated. A mere 300 or so militants are reportedly poised across the Line of Control to take up their place. For control of the situation resulting from ending of the status of the state under Article 370, the state had pumped in additional troops, most of whom continue in place. Besides, the police itself has, using modern means as matching telephone records, vouched for the OGW status of two of those killed in the encounter in question, suggesting that they have the capacities to take down OGWs by alternative means. Lately, the improved security situation has enabled the security apparatus to neutralize the support base by other means such as tracing hawala transactions, a method tom-tommed by security analysts.  

Therefore, their being killed instead calls for an explanation.

In Kashmir, the killings of OGW have intermittently been part of strategy. Early in the militancy, a perhaps apocryphal story has it that a divisional commander, though with a tenure in the counter insurgency school under his belt, began his daily chore by rhetorically asking those assembled in his operations room, ‘Aaj kitne titar-bater mare? (How many patridges have been eliminated today?)’ Then, some 200 Jamatis – supposedly the support base for the pro-Pakistan Hizbul Mujahedeen that was then displacing the pro-freedom Liberation Front militants - were eliminated. By mid-decade, the Ikhwan was used to good effect towards the same end. Even human rights workers were not spared; Jalil Andrabi being a case to point.

Consequently, a lazy explanation could be that inertia leads to recurrence. Generals in command today were young officers through the nineties, many going on to serve multiple tenures. Some prefer command in areas of their familiarity, in this case, Kashmir. Thus, adapting to the changed circumstance, even if warranted, may not readily beat the ease of path dependence. 

A more sophisticated explanation is that there have always been two contrasting doctrinal strands within the military. There is the Winning Hearts and Mind (WHAM) school, which official doctrine endorses, and there is the counter narrative, the ‘get them by the ____, and the hearts will follow’ school. It would be fair to say that most of those who served command assignments in Kashmir subscribed to the official school. Sadly, this has never always been the case. The counter narrative has won out repeatedly and sometimes handsomely. Thus, counter insurgency ‘experts’ are now a dime a dozen in the military, and once their sell-by date in service is over, populate television studios.

If this were not the case, the Shupian (Amshipora) fake encounter would not have happened. The army has it that in this case, “powers vested under the AFSPA 1990 were exceeded,” and, “dos and don’ts of the Chief of the Army Staff as approved by the Supreme Court have been contravened.” Thirty years into the troubles, it can be expected that the army has the standard operations procedures in place to oversee operations, especially in an environment when these are few and far between. It beggars the mind that a captain, Captain Bhoopendra Singh, can organize such killings using his troops and the hierarchy does not get a wind of it for three weeks. That the army took three weeks to wrestle down the counter narrative within it indicates the levels of its salience.

Strategic logic, which an army can reasonably be expected to sign up to, would have it that costs must be factored-in in choosing between strategic options. The costs of success of the counter narrative are easy to see. A Kashmir observer David Davidas in his book, Rage, makes the that the violence the departure from official doctrine wrought in Kashmir in the nineties has given rise to the generation of ‘rage’ today. Under a right-wing government’s will-to-power, referred to by the Concerned Citizen’s Group leader, Yashwant Sinha, as ‘doctrine of state’, the counter narrative appears to have won out. Else, how can a yet another possibly fake encounter - Lawaypora – follow brazenly on the heels of filing of the charge sheet by the police in the Amshipora fake encounter in a court in Shupian? That another inter-generational passing of the insurgency baton is potentially in the offing should lend pause to the army from proceeding down such a track.  

The army would do well to take its own doctrinal products seriously. These are not meant as information war products. They confer adequate latitude on commanders at the frontline to use force tempered with judgment. That such judgment can be clouded by the counter narrative is a potent threat the army needs cautioning against.

Doctrine should be internalized in schools of instruction and the command climate in theatres of counter insurgency operations must provide for a ‘no-ifs-and-buts’ implementation. It should not be that the recent appointment of the first major general to head its human rights cell, Major General Gautam Chauhan, views his mandate as a white-wash of the army’s record rather than ensuring military wide dissemination and implementation of policy.





Monday, 4 January 2021

 https://www.epw.in/engage/article/2020-year-research

3.4 to 4.4 min mark