a blow for peace

writings of ali ahmed, with thanks to publications where these have appeared. Download books/papers from dropbox links provided. Also at https://independent.academia.edu/aliahmed281. https://aliahd66.substack.com; www.subcontinentalmusings.blogspot.in. Author India's Doctrine Puzzle: Limiting War in South Asia (Routledge 2014). Ashokan strategic perspective proponent. All views are personal.

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Showing posts with label india-china. Show all posts
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Saturday, 14 February 2026

 https://open.substack.com/pub/aliahd66/p/naravanes-place-in-military-history?r=i1fws&utm_campaign=post&utm_medium=web&showWelcomeOnShare=true 

Naravane’s place in military history

General Naravane has done a signal service to strategic thinking by penning down his version of the last crisis with China. Its circulation has been tamped down by the regime, though there is nothing much further than what was in the extracts that made the rounds a couple of years back. Everyone knows of Naravane’s anguish over the Agnipath scheme as also that the disengagement arrangements at some places limit Indian patrols to short of the pre-crisis envelop.

The addition to knowledge is of Naravane’s role in the final lap of Operation Snow Leopard, India’s mobilization and launch of a quid pro quo operation. He took the right decision on exercising restraint in opening fire. Authority was devolved on him through the now-immortal phrase – “Jo ucchit samjho, voh karo.” Rightly divining the restrictive intent of his political masters and assessing that the tactical situation did not warrant escalation, he let his forces stare down the Chinese from a position of advantage on the Kailash ridge-line.

Such moments of acutely-felt command responsibility have been competently faced by Indian military leaders earlier. Sam Bahadur fended off pressures for premature military action in East Pakistan, arguing that winter was the right time for such a campaign. When faced with evidence that the Kargil intrusion was a rather serious breach of the Line of Control (LC), General Ved Malik resolved to ‘fight with what we have,’ even if weighed down with a terms-of-reference not to cross the LC. Nanavatty’s date with military history was in his exercise of moral courage in preferring time for preparation for assault across a snowed-in LC when faced with tacit pressures for an early reprisal for the parliament terror attack. Satish Dua recalls his vigil in wake of the setback at Uri spurring on a cross-LC surgical strike. More recently, the air chief led his team back to the drawing board after suffering an aerial ambush on the first night of Op Sindoor, to come up trumps on the last night. Naravane’s experience of handling what is described as ‘hot potato’ adds to collective wisdom on leadership and command.

Preparation for the ‘hot potato’

A second-generation military man, he was an air-force brat marauding through military stations during childhood. His father’s more notable posting was to Paris on staff of the defence attaché (DA). Requiring stable schooling in the senior years, he was sent to a school founded by a luminary of the cultural Right. His lackluster record at the academies continued into his subaltern days. His tactical grounding was in his oversight of recruit training at the regimental center. No doubt this stint helped in his first operational spell with the Indian Peacekeeping Force in Sri Lanka on the outskirts of Trincomalee.

He ascribes a change of approach and fortunes to his marriage - outcome of a premarital romance - to a Jawarharlal Nehru University product of its halcyon days. Not only did he clear his promotion exams first shot, but also made it to the career-enhancing year-long staff course. He goes on to tenant the sought-after operational staff assignment as brigade major. He has an exposure to logistics aspects on staff of a paramilitary outfit, which enabled him also look at cantonment related affairs. Such broad-basing of background turns out a professional plus at higher ranks.

Of consequence is his rubbing one of his one-star superiors the wrong way. Unmindful of the effect on his report card he stood by what he thought right. Unsurprisingly, he did not make it to colonelcy in the first look. Reinstated, he goes on to command a Rashtriya Rifles unit in the midst of the Kashmir insurgency at the most testing of times, in wake of Kargil war. His showing earns him a place on the Higher Command course. In hindsight, subsequent postings turn out to be sound preparation for future operational and strategic level commands. These include spells in the perspective planning strategic affairs section and as DA in Myanmar. As a one-star flag officer, he raised a brigade headquarters on the watershed in the north east, cementing his grasp of the inscrutable Chinese.

His two-star command as inspector general of the Assam Rifles was where his prior knowledge from Myanmar helped in operations against recalcitrant Naga factions. Post-retirement, he completed a doctorate using his in-depth first-hand knowledge of issues in the region. In this assignment began his association with General Rawat, who was his immediate boss for a time. The inclusion of ‘destiny’ in the book’s title owes to Rawat going on to supersede two seniors to get the army’s top job. Willy-nilly, Naravane ended up topping the proverbial succession chain.

Such prospects led to his exposure both in Delhi as the area commander and at an operational level three-star command of a strike corps in the western sector. He then goes on to the Army Training Command. When there, though knowing of the new preference for ‘deep selection’ and the by-then well-known proclivities of the regime, in a speech at a university he highlights constitutional probity. As preparation for his next rank, he then gets to lead the China-facing eastern army. His penultimate appointment is as Vice Chief, preparation for the forthcoming step up.

He rightly rues the move through some five billets in four years, typical deficit of Indian military preparation to take on strategic level roles. A late return from his DA assignment led to a compressed one-star, at the cost of a year at the national defence college, an exposure missed but more from a family life point of view than any learning thereby.

His final ‘star of destiny’ is over the head of Rawat’s recommendation in favour of General Chauhan. So, when Naravane moves to 5, Rajaji Marg, he is not only lucky, but also well-equipped intellectually and character-wise. And, primed to meet the Chinese challenge head-on.

The book shows his family as central to this journey. Behind his success were three women, his wife and two daughters. His liberality shines through in his support as a parent for one of his daughters going for an inter-religious marriage. The reputation of Mrs. Veena Naravane as head of the military’s ‘second chain of command’ – of the formidable army wives’ welfare association – has been as an empathetic first lady. His daughter’s observation when he gained his fourth star is apt: ‘hard work, humility and family.’ Values practiced at home influence softcore professional issues as human rights. He records taking a dim view of the Amshipora killings. It is another matter that infirmities in the system allowed the perpetrator bail.

Saluting Naravane

Between Naravane as army chief and an army commander who had once been DA in China, there was enough expertise on hand to take on the Chinese intrusion on their terms. But that was not to be and Naravane’s telling is not too revealing on this. Naravane explains away the intrusion, till it became moot after the Galwan incident. Conscious of the reputational costs for the military, Naravane rolled out the strategically necessary quid pro quo operation, even bucking civilian control while at it. By also keeping in mind the priorities of his political masters, he exhibited strategic sensitivity and ample deference to civil-military relations in the Indian tradition.

To critique him for an insufficiently vigorous push-back against a political class playing coy is to be oblivious of the political reality of today. To hold that he approached the political leadership on an essentially military matter is to ignore the imperative cast by terms of reference, in this case the restriction on resort to firing. Though best positioned to take over as Chief of Defence Staff, he did not allow the carrot to impact his convictions, preferring instead to pay the price for retiring with dignity.

Since the Ladakh episode is considerably more consequential than Op Sindoor, the book must be piloted with dexterity for early clearance. It would not only be a favour to the publisher but to military history. That the book does not allow the regime to have its cake and eat it too is no reason for an apolitical army to dally over its clearance.


Posted by ali at 21:24
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Labels: civil military relations, india-china, military history

Friday, 1 August 2025

https://m.thewire.in/article/books/who-dares-win-joshi-is-great-that-said-theres-more


https://aliahd66.substack.com/p/joshi-is-great-that-said-theres-more


Joshi is great; that said, there’s more.

Reviewing 'Who Dares Wins'


General Joshi interests on two counts. He is an authentic ‘Kargil War Hero’, as the book cover puts it.* More interestingly, he was the commander of the northern theatre during the Chinese incursion.

His autobiography is worth a read on the first count, on tactical level leadership, for it tells of the making of the war hero.

However, a reader would be disappointed if she wishes to know more about the Chinese actions in Ladakh during his time there. Presumably his current position as head of the China think tank of the external affairs ministry prevents him from being more informative.

Alternatively, the blanket on information access - that has been a feature of the Modi regime - perhaps kept the general reticent on that most consequential operational level command he held.

Reportedly, a few years back an order was put out restraining members of security services from discussing matters in their operational ken after demitting office; though it is uncertain if that covered the military. There were threats of stoppage of pensions too.

One problem with this regimen is the free pass given to the regime’s narrative on security incidents. Ordinarily, such narratives can only be self-interested and in case of the populist authoritarianism on in India, self-centered.

The downside is that it deprives the primary principal in the principal-agent relationship – the Voter – a grasp of whether ‘all is well’ with Indian security.

Absent a fuller perspective – brought about by a liberal information order as befits a democracy – the Voter is handicapped. This explains Mr. Modi recent surpassing of Indira’s record in number of days at the helm.

To be fair, a self-styled ‘apolitical’ army might not wish to put out a narrative that might show up the governmental one. Sure, the civilian masters of the military have the ‘right to be wrong;’ but its not for the military to conceal it.

However, this approach to ‘apolitical’ betrays a limited understanding of the principal-agent relationship.

While the government (here regime) is the principal and the army the agent in the principal-agent relationship of subordination, the army must know it is an institution of the State.

The State is run per the Constitution. The Constitution makes the regime accountable to the people - the ultimate principal. Thus, people exercise accountability through their power of the Vote.

Inadequate information on which to base their choice debilitates the Voter.

Hence, the Voter cannot be the target of and subject to information war - the feature of nascent emphasis in the current-day changed character of war.

The notion that all it takes is to win the war of narratives amounts to believing that the nature of war itself has changed. Worse is to ‘win’ the narrative war internally. This is absurd.

Since security concerns are existential in nature, it is of categorical imperative status that people are furnished reliable information on security.

That is the national interest and national security, as distinct from regime interest and security.

A mistaken conflation of the two appears to be at hand, resulting in a novel understanding of political subordination of the military.

A government is run by a political party voted to power may be less than forthright on security matters – using the security of information as cover. This enables hiding of shortcomings and projection of falsity as reality.

Absent State institutions playing their intended role with a commitment to Constitutional verities, the opposition, the attentive public, ‘armchair strategists’ and the Voter are deprived of the benefits of the democratic checks-and-balances schema.

To the extent the military is participant, it is complicit in the ‘dismantling of India’s democracy.’

Memoirs of officials serve a very useful purpose in fleshing out the record. They illumine areas independently, if not quite disinterestedly. Admittedly, memoirs are but a perspective and may be self-exculpatory; and yet, they constitute the drops that make up the ocean.

By this yardstick, Joshi’s memoir is half-baked. It is a useful tactical level take of the Indian fighting man.

However, for the next quarter century, a reader might have to be content with Joshi’s promise of a sequel. He says it will be a sanitized version, as Operation (Op) Snow Leopard - quite like Op Sindoor - continues indefinitely.

Joshi is only being practical. Recall, his then boss, Army Chief Naravane’s memoirs were aborted.

The upshot will be that readers won’t get to know anything more than the official version. Joshi puts this out as gospel in the couple of paras he devotes to what - to some - amounts to a significant setback.

He recounts how he witnessed as early as 5 May the first Chinese incursion, in this case a PLA helicopter making for Galwan but which scooted back on spotting the Indian one, in which Joshi was taking a ride.

Joshi admits to a challenging situation that required ‘deft handling’. Enumerating the ‘transgressions’, including at Galwan, he pats himself of the back – “We handled them well.”

To be sure, Galwan triggered due planning and preparation for the launch of a ‘quid pro quo operation (QPQ)’ in the Rezang La-Rechin La complex on the Kailash ranges, on either side of the Pangong Tso and also further to the north.

He appreciatively writes: “We completely took the PLA by surprise, brought them back to the negotiation table and forced them to beat a hasty retreat. This was Operation Snow Leopard.”

Whereas a show of force was warranted and its execution commendable, it, firstly, took rather long in coming, and, secondly, its effects were not exploited – any gains given up even before Joshi demitted uniform. There is no word on the latter.

As theatre commander, Joshi had the wherewithal in-situ for securing Indian territorial integrity. The Indian military’s pivot to the China front having begun a decade earlier, quite like at Kargil which - is not dissimilar - he ought to have echoed Ved Malik: “We’ll fight with what we have.”

Providentially, as a self-acknowledged China-hand, and a Mandarin speaking one at that, he was the right man in the right place at the right time. He’d done time in Beijing as defence attaché.

All his three star-commands were in Ladakh, successively at Tangtse, Karu and Leh. He took over command after a stint as chief of staff, just as the Chinese reportedly marched up from their annual exercise for lodging on the Indian side.

The buck stopped with Joshi.

Joshi has the correct appreciation of operational command, calling it ‘a major transition’. To him, ‘officers who have operated at the tactical level for thirty-five years of their career are suddenly catapulted to the operational and strategic level of warfare….’

He prepared for the transition by reading up the likes of aggressive ‘Mad Dog’ Mattis’ autobiography.

So, what held Joshi back?

Whereas he has an appreciative word for this other two corps commanders, there is nary a mention of his commander in Leh. Was there any dissonance on the response? Can Covid-19 be held responsible? If his hands were tied, did he remonstrate? Or does he buy into the Jaishankar’ism: ‘they are a larger economy’?

The two paras are but ‘haan mein haan milana’ with the regime; the upshot is that a 1962 Henderson Brookes-like report is kept in abeyance. Accountability – no strong point of the regime – cannot be exacted.

Consequently, General, a self-exculpatory sequel may please be dispensed with. (Another general of his cohort has already brought out a sequel of his self-eulogy, this time on transitioning from ‘war-room to boardroom’).

Instead, critical biographers and military thinkers are alerted to a prospective subject: the ji-huzoor interpretation of ‘apolitical’ by Joshi’s leadership cohort.

Clearly, under this regime the military qua institution is not pulling its national security weight.

Whereas the question earlier in Indian civil-military relations (CMR) was of bureaucratic inter-positioning stifling the military, now the key question is the extent political interests and compulsions of the regime - if not its narcissist numero uno - are trammeling the military’s institutional role.

By now enough instances have accumulated of the military’s misconstruing political subordination with subservience.

After all, what else is new-fangled terminology as Udbhav, Bhairav, Rudra, Op Mahadev, Op Shivshakti meant to signal?

Joshi’s mentor on operational and strategic intricacies, along with the current-day Chief of Defence Staff, trashed the notion of raids across the LC prior to Modi’s advent.

The claim of destroying a seminary in Balakot, and downing an F-16 in the bargain, is another. Then came the famous waving of an anti-tank mine on national television to abort the Amarnath yatra, setting the stage for the vacation of Article 370.

Joshi’s characterising the Chinese incursions as ‘transgressions’ also amount to as much. There is also no mention in the book of the Agniveer scheme, the antecedents of which can be seen as long term response to the intrusions.

Lately, it’s the withholding of information relevant to forming an assessment on the regime’s showing in Op Sindoor. It took a middle-rung naval officer speaking at a seminar abroad to inadvertently spill the beans.

It is not known since when has a Lieutenant Governor taken on responsibility for an ‘All OK’ in the military’s Area of Responsibility, which surely covered Pahalgam. A record of prevarication puts under cloud the passing off of the three terrorists killed as the perpetrators at Baisaran.

How the generation of military leadership of which Joshi is a self-acknowledged leading light coped with regime onset and consolidation bears serious CMR reflection.

He clearly earned his spurs at the tactical level, brought out well in the strong first half of the book. A recently promoted lieutenant colonel, he took over officiating command in the midst of battle – his commanding officer was hors-de-combat due to high altitude effects.

His meeting the challenges at the academies, grooming in the unit and his career gaining traction are well handled. His progression was unremarkable for a good and successful officer – sound course gradings, grounding within the unit, exposure in an instructor tenure, the staff course rigmarole and a UN outing.

Fortuitously, he was also physically well prepared. Gaining weight during his tenure in Angola, h’d just shed 10 kilos in anticipation of a call for interview for the post of Adjutant of the military academy, a appointment that requires if nothing else a ramrod bearing.

Fit, young and belonging to the unit, he was the man of the moment, for the anointing under fire. Joshi credits officers as Vikram Batra, a stolid junior leadership, subunit bonding and the combat support provisioned for the unprecedented success (two Param Vir Chakras in one operation) of his team. He was also well-knit with the formation, being a ‘blue eyed boy’ of a charismatic divisional commander.

Nothing must be allowed to take anything away from his service to the nation, to the army and his unit.

It would be too much to expect his generation of professionally-imbued officers to have withstood the deinstitutionalization of the military that beset it as they reached higher ranks.

At best they may be arraigned for not applying peer pressure to rein in political entrepreneurs in uniform - who functioned as conduits for political contamination of the military. Such individuals were artfully placed in charge by the regime and therefore out of reach.

This is especially so when no other institution has been left standing (witness antics of no less than a recently retired Supreme Court chief justice).

It would be churlish to mar Joshi’s upstanding record with taxing him with the responsibility of preserving institutional integrity. Not being legend cannot detract from being great.

*: YK Joshi, Who Dares Wins: A Soldier’s Memoirs, Gurugram: Penguin 2024, pp. 240, Rs 699.

Posted by ali at 10:37
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About Me

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Ali Ahmed is author of India's Doctrine Puzzle: Limiting War in South Asia (Routledge 2014). He has been a UN official and an infantryman. Twitter - @aliahd66; Also once blogged at www.subcontinentalmusings.blogspot.in. This blog carries the liberal perspective in strategic studies. It is to assist with forming a well rounded opinion on strategic matters in the region. It covers topics such as military, nuclear, internal security, Kashmir, minority security, military sociology etc. It is intended to enrich thought and broaden the mind. Drop by often and pass the word...
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From Within: Reflections On India's Army

  • From Within: Reflections On India's Army

On India's Military: Writings From Within

  • On India's Military: Writings From Within

USI Project 1999-2000

  • Institutional Interest: A Study in Indian Strategic Culture

MPhil dissertation

  • Cambridge University
  • Cambridge University

MA dissertation

  • KCL War Studies
  • King's College London

MSc dissertation

  • DSSC
  • DSSC

Download book from dropbox

  • India: A Strategic Alternative
  • India: A Strategic Alternative

On War in South Asia

  • On War in South Asia
  • On Peace in South Asia

On Peace in South Asia

On Peace in South Asia
Commentaries on strategic issues

On War in South Asia

On War in South Asia
Commentaries on military issues

Book

  • Read India's Doctrine Puzzle at Google Books

India's Doctrine Puzzle

India's Doctrine Puzzle
Limiting War in South Asia

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Subcontinental Musings at indiatogether.org

  • Subcontinental Musings column

Farah Art Creations

  • Farah Art Creations link

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