http://www.thecitizen.in/index.php/en/NewsDetail/index/4/14196/To-Fail-Kashmir-is-to-Fail-India
To Fail Kashmir is to Fail India
To Fail Kashmir is to Fail India
(Unedited version)
Based on precedence, it was
entirely predictable that the Ramzan suspension of operations would be yet
another wasted opportunity in Kashmir. The earlier ebbs in operations and list
of interlocutors are rather well recorded to bear recounting here. It was
predictable also on account of the BJP’s showing in power as a party that
places the interest of the Parivaar over the national interest. This is best
signified by the BJP walking out of the coalition in J&K as it heads into
national elections.
Even more so, it was predictable
in light of the national security establishment being bereft of strategic sense
over the term of its presiding deity, Ajit Doval. A Ramzan ‘ceasefire’ extended
into a prospective Amarnath Yatra ‘ceasefire’, alongside an ongoing return to
the ceasefire on the Line of Control (LC), could have capitalized on gains from
Operation All Out. This could have been gainfully used by special interlocutor
Dineshwar Sharma to position his peace cart.
That said, it must be admitted
there is a strategy at play, albeit a perverse one.
As General Hasnain – a veteran of
a previous suspension of operations - reminded all at the outset of this round
of suspension of operations that the temporary halt is limited to offensive
operations of the area domination variety, with defensive, protective,
responsive and intelligence-based operations continuing.
Rationalising the ceasefire,
experts let on that at the operational level it is a period of consolidation
for integrating the intelligence picture; allowing troops a respite; and
coordinating between security agencies that could then be used to reenergize
operations when called off. Evidence is in the drawing up of a list of 21 most
wanted and the dispatch of an Islamic State affiliated terrorist soon after the
ending of the ‘ceasefire’.
The militants (and terrorists) -
for their part - might be tempted to let down their guard, such as by visiting
families, enabling an enhanced intelligence picture. A lower profile of
military operations would also put a lid on stone throwing, useful at a time
when passions could be expected to be higher in the holy month. So there was
little to lose operationally.
At the strategic level, the moves
to sedate Pakistan have been on since the end of winter. A ceasefire on the LC
has the advantage of enabling greater rigour in counter infiltration. Firing,
of the level of artillery duels, has the effect of keeping heads down, enabling
disruption of the fence and the surveillance along it. Pakistan, having faced
the brunt and believing that it gave back as good as it received, fell in line.
The operational level fallout was in reduced infiltration keeping the lowered
figures of insurgents resulting from Operation All Out steady; subject at best to
injection by easily-neutralized, naïve and untrained locals joining the ranks
in passion, hate and anger.
Alongside, a suspension of
operations would have kept Pakistan open-minded on the possibilities of a peace
process; the sleight of hand – properly called deception - buying India time to
tamp down on the renewal of insurgency since the – unnecessary in retrospect - elimination
of insurgent icon Burhan Wani.
The main gains were at the
political level. Narrowly, the ceasefire helps India – and the Modi government
- project a benign image. No doubt, forewarned by the foreign ministry, it was
bracing for release of the UN human rights report. In the event, the report
released as the ceasefire wound up, came down heavily on security forces using
excessive force, leading to an avoidable number – in three digits – of civilian
deaths.
Internally, since the initiative
was tagged to an all-party meeting in Kashmir which proposed a ceasefire for
the duration of Ramzan and the Amarnath Yatra, it was useful to look responsive
to a provincial government in which the ruling party was a coalition partner. It
mellowed the anti-Muslim image of the ruling party.
On the other hand, the calling
off of the ceasefire helps project the conjured threat to the Amarnath Yatra as
real; with conjured used advisedly since an unmolested Yatra has been one of
the symbols of the possibilities of peace in Kashmir. A Muslim threat to a
Hindu pilgrimage can serve a purpose in election year.
More importantly, the strategy is
informed – as can be expected - by the grand vision of the regime. The regime
is both unwilling and unable to countenance peace through peaceable means, in
light of being a front for the right wing. The boarder Sanghi agenda is
minority centric, to overawe the subcontinent’s Muslims. The reduction of India
to lynchistan and the political clout of the largest minority anywhere in the
world to a cipher is well known.
The Kashmiris – being Muslim and
seen as backed by Muslim Pakistan – cannot in this schema but be bludgeoned
into submission. Thus, even the seeming sense in its very own and domesticated
army chief’s recent reminder that insurgency can only be politically terminated
is ignored.
At the subcontinental level,
Pakistan has been given a breather. In the election year, the regime would not
like to its strategic finesse to be tested and found wanting. It sensibly
diverted the defence budget this year into a new-fangled national health
insurance scheme, since – despite the polarization ploy - the social sector
could count. Whereas the - unnecessarily
aggravated - situation has been toned down with China too for the same reasons,
unlike with China, it would be back to business with Pakistan once elections
are wrested, since the Muslim fixation of the Sangh cannot go away.
What does this reading of the ceasefire
episode spell?
It suggests the regime will not
deliver on peace in Kashmir. Since Pakistan is both part of the problem and the
solution in Kashmir, peace in the subcontinent will be pended till the regime
is democratically replaced.
This is counter-intuitive. A
government with a majority in parliament could have done much to stabilise
Kashmir, and at one remove, relations with Pakistan. It had spent the previous
ten years in opposition undercutting the most promising period of return to
stability in the subcontinent, though knowing these to be a carry-over of the
initiatives of its own earlier avatar in power. Its vaunted development agenda
needed a quietist foreign and security policy. Its security head-honcho, Doval,
chosen for a much-advertised security expertise and for being Pakistan savvy,
allowed parochialism to overtake strategic acuity.
Today, to the ceasefire is being
attributed the killings of leading journalist Shujaat Bukhari and off duty
soldier Aurangzeb. Young Gurmehar Kaur was entirely right in attributing to
conflict an inexorable logic. Conflict consumed them as its latest victims. A
government is elected to ensure that citizens are protected from conflict. It
is understandable that sometimes this necessitates going into an unavoidable
conflict. By no yardstick does the continuing of conflict in Kashmir fit this
bill.
Governments unable to bring it to
a close need to be held accountable at the hustings, especially if doubly unmindful
by alongside being unwilling, such as is the current regime. A regime
responsible for India failing Kashmiris has failed India.