Wednesday, 23 July 2025

 https://open.substack.com/pub/aliahd66/p/was-the-chinar-corps-commander-right?utm_source=share&utm_medium=android&r=i1fws

Was the Chinar Corps Commander right at Kokarnag?

A message on social media carried an account of an exchange some 35 years back between the then Director General of Military Operations (DGMO) and the Chinar Corps Corps Commander (CC).

The long-retired DGMO says: “I spoke on the telephone soon after, while he was still in the hospital, and chiding him jovially saying, “XXX you must remember that you are now a Corps Commander, not a Platoon or Company Commander”. He responded equally jovially saying, “XXX, you know me well. That’s who I still think I am!”

The former DGMO’s intervention on social media chatter lent authenticity to the episode. It was prompted by a photo of an MRI scan of the CC’s head – taken in an unrelated matter - that had shown up a foreign object lodged in his skull. Perplexed the doctors had brought it to the CC’s attention; who had then wracked his memory to figure out how it could have got there in first place.

As it turned out the CC had received head wounds during an encounter in Kashmir while in command of Chinar Corps. The banter between the two regimental mates over the episode was when he was receiving treatment at the Base Hospital.

The doctors there had pulled out some 4-5 splinters and patched him up. Having to do it quickly, they apparently left one splinter that resurfaced three decades later to cause a social media flutter.

Their urgency stemmed from the Pakistani media going to town over news that the CC, along with his ADC, had been gunned down by Kashmiri ‘freedom fighters’ in Kokarnag that morning. Hurriedly made presentable, with a beret to cover the scars, the general – through pain - credibly refuted the ‘fake news’.

The ‘news’ was of an encounter in Kokarnag that winter morning in the early period of outbreak of troubles in Kashmir. The general had led his Quick Reaction Team (QRT) in a house clearing drill at the fire-fighting station to get two Anti National Elements (ANE, as was the terminology those days) holed up inside.

The ANEs had dropped two of our jawans in an ambush the previous evening. Though cornered in the building through the night, they’d taken out another two soldiers; and for good measure murdered a local school master sent to persuade them to give up.

At this juncture, the CC, who was keeping tabs, turned up at the scene as was his wont. Sensing despondency, he probably felt the need for early action to turn the tables. The divisional commander (GOC) fetched up in quick succession.

Recce and tactical appreciation done, the CC had the GOC’s QRT provide covering fire while he, with his QRT, would in true Infantry style, ‘close with the enemy, capture or destroy him.’

He crawled up through the snow past the bodies of two of ours downed earlier. The ADC, after tightening the cordon around the site, dashed up to join the general and his QRT.

A firefight ensued.

The general threw in two grenades in quick succession to enable a break-in. As they spilled into the house, they were greeted with a magazine worth of Kalashnikov. The upshot was ricochet splinters plastering the CC’s scalp. Profuse bleeding from embedded splinters led to the QRT pulling the CC out of the fight by the scruff.

The ADC at the front of the pack could not disgorge back into the open. Losing blood, the CC was unpersuaded by entreaties for evacuation, insisting he would only leave only with his Aide onside. Providentially, the ADC survived the pounding the building received thereafter.

Had the story’s ending been any different, at a minimum, the DGMO – a military diplomat in a previous appointment and going on to be UN force commander - might have been less diplomatic. Himself a war-time gallantry award winner, he best knew his was a bitter pill to administer.

Consequently, the CC wasn’t spared a firing by the Army Chief the following day.

In that telephonic call, the CC held that being senior-most on the spot, he could only first place his own life on the line. A Higher Command course-mate, the Chief let him off.

The DGMO is spot-on with his observation that as corps commander, the CC’s job was cut out. Since it patently does not include rushing ANEs, the episode raises the question: Was the CC right?

Whatever the reservations of the GOC - who went on to be Army Chief in his turn – either did as ordered or participated in the decision. It’s possible therefore to infer all was not wholly wrong.

A perspective on command at the operational level in counter insurgency situations –pitched by a general with the staff experience in Kashmir later in the early years – was that the commander must have a wide-angled view and busy with managing the environment, leaving his radar screen clear of clutter of ground detail.

Another commander from the field opined (p. 354) that the higher commander must have a light touch, knowing when to pat on the back.

Such a managerial perspective must be contrasted with a leadership-centric one.

The early years of insurgency in Kashmir were somewhat turbulent as the army came to grips with it. Whereas initially it was people-centric, with mass movements as a characteristic, it gradually turned into a militarised proxy war of sorts only by the middle of the nineties.

At its outset, Chinar Corps, that CC headed, was relatively stretched. Recall, it spread from Demachok to the Pirpanjals. It bid for and received an additional division, that was at the time of the operation in question, only settling in.

Indeed, the managerial perspective is a product of the learning from the immediate period thereafter, as SOPs got written up and the grid steadily firmed in.

The CC thus had to lay the touch-stone and foundations for the counter insurgency that followed.

He just did it in inimitable style, with his jovial rejoinder to the DGMO giving the hint.

To him it was obvious that Patton’s Third Army could not have pivoted in the Ardennes in face of Hitler’s last gamble, without the general not positioning himself at muddy forest crossroads.

By no means was he intended for that command. The army had twice earlier sought his services in the North East.

A product of his generation, he had earned his spurs battling Naga hostiles in the late fifties in Nagaland.

Volunteering for an active command to get away from the drudgery of staff at a corps headquarters, he led the Assam Rifles in Mizoram in a second one-star command. This was at a crucial time when military pressure was applied during the Mizo talks-process in the mid-eighties; receiving a distinguished service award for his efforts.

His counter-insurgent credentials were backed by his knowledge of Kashmir acquired during his next - two-star - assignment along the Line of Control (LC).

It is at this juncture that destiny took hold.

When off to the North East with his luggage already transiting Gauhati, he was asked to instead head back to Badami Bagh as the incumbent Chief of Staff was felled by a heart attack.

Promoted three-star, he was slated as the low-profile head of the Assam Rifles in Shillong. A bureaucrat intervened, citing that his professional credentials stood embellished by his once topping the staff course. If his name had anything to do with it, it remained unsaid.

So it was back to Kashmir, but at a time his whole life seems in retrospect to have prepared him for – a tenure bookended with by Rubaiya Sayeed kidnap and the Kunan Poshpora episodes.

He was an early practitioner of what came to be called ‘iron fist in a velvet glove’ a decade later.

His life lessons were from Nagaland, where one evening his company was packed off overnight to another location. Apparently, hostiles’ ambush of a convoy had led to stockading of nearby villages for ease of surveillance and control, if not quite retribution.

He had set about interacting with the villagers, organising evening volleyball for the young adults; tutoring children into ‘jana, gana, mana’; and attending Sunday church unarmed and unescorted. A Naga shawl gifted in appreciation at the end of the two-months long interaction was handed back to the church.

Kashmiris were beneficiaries with Governor Jagmohan recounting in his memoir of the army’s efforts to win hearts. That the army lost a mere five men to ANE action in the period of his command - not counting the dastardly shooting down of airforce personnel at a bus stop among the opening salvos of what amounted in time to a war on and within Kashmir – perhaps owes in part to the fair conduct of troops under extreme pressures of cold, night and relentless operations.

But it was in the operational side, he was in his element.

Son of a state force’s brigadier, he came under fire first as a teen when his father’s convoy was strafed by the Indian Air Force. A young lad forced to go back by the Partition from his military cadet school in Dehra Dun, he was accompanying his father when spotted by the IAF.

The Brigadier - the first state forces’ staff course graduate himself - was siting the defences of Gulbarga sector to prevent the impending Operation Polo making a headway from the south west towards Hyderabad. In the event, the fight in this sector was fierce enough for India’s first Ashok Chakra to be awarded for gallantry in the battle to unlock the axis.

A bantam-weight boxer at the academies, the cadet went on as commissioned officer to be cited for no less than the PVC in 1965, winning the Vir Chakra instead.

His rise through the ranks marked him out a maverick, with not a few seniors at successive tiers hearing that they were at liberty to sack him or accept his resignation if they didn’t have faith in his professional judgement.

story has him on the phone telling the army commander in Udhampur when queried on why he had ordered the opening up of artillery on enemy LC defences that in case the army commander didn’t agree, he could sack him.

His reading shelf stocked the biography of Rommel, a tome on the Chindits, Kitson’s counter insurgency tract, and, The Brothers Karamazov.

A stanch belief – as was his - eases launch into the unknown.

So, when confronted with the situation at Kokarnag, it is easy to grasp why the CC chose a particular manner to turn the situation around. Grasping the essentials on arrival at the site, with a coup d'œil befitting an infantryman and a general to boot, he seized on it as an opportunity for administering an indelible and very personal imprint on his command.

Indian history is replete with such acts, the result notwithstanding, such as that of Tanaji Malusare. Not for him a managerial huddle at a time of test in military leadership – when a despairing body of soldiers look on to see what the senior or does not do.

That his example inspired is clear from the newly promoted brigade commander in question leading from the front in all operations thereafter, receiving a bullet in his thigh for his pains; but which put him ahead of his equally competent colleagues when it came to his turn to be Chief.

Soon thereafter another two-star out in front stopped a bullet, as did another two one-star commanders destined for Chief in respective turn. Indeed, an army commander too earned a wound medal a decade on. Prudence has been inculcated since the ambush of Brigadier Sridhar.

It’s fair to ask: Wouldn’t the Indian grip over Kashmir have been less firm if the CC had dithered, waited for reports and briefings instead?

Whereas Indian young officers have a well-earned status at the frontline of leadership, senior ranks are not easily spared scepticism.

Even so, there is sufficient evidence of daredevilry at the higher echelons – whether it is Rajinder Singh rushing up to Mahore; Usman sleeping on the floor; ‘Timmy’ Thimayya riding up with the 7 Cav; Mehar Singh touching down in Dakotas; Hanut carving out a minefield lane; Sagat Singh’s green-field landings along the Padma; Ved Malik landing with the initial flights on to an uncertain runway; Jameel Mehmood flying himself as two-star and turning in a bullet-holed helicopter at the pad; Tipnis and ‘Jimmy’ Bhatia flying across hostile territory; Nair landing in Daulat Beg Oldie; a Suresh Babu heading a patrol, to recall a few.

That seniors face scepticism in a Cynical Age only implies a greater thrust to ensure leadership trumps managerialism.

If Mahabharata is guide, the subcontinental leadership bar has always been high. Meeting it even when not doing so would go unremarked is the acid test – when only mere soldiery is looking on.

After all, it would have taken but a couple of hours to reduce that building to dust.

But then there would be no scope for counterfactuals: Kargil being detected earlier; Mumbai massacres ending in quick time; Chinese evicted at first step across; Pahalgam killers tracked down and laid out.

As the CC fades away, the detecting of a foreign body embedded in his scalp is an apt juncture to record his contribution to Indian military leadership ethic: let not the joy of soldiering die with the throttling of the young platoon and company commander within each officer as he (or she) grows in service.

Monday, 21 July 2025

ADC to Chinar Corps Commander from early 90s recalls:

 The Gorkhas were pretty disorganized when we reached Kokernag Fire Station. It was a 3 storey building,  pretty big, biggest in the area, with a few hundred metres of clear ground around. Gen Zaki reached the site before the brigade Commander and the GOC (Maj Gen VP Malik, later COAS). The JCOs of the Gorkha company told us that the terrorists were inside the building and they had cordoned it off. They also informed us that the company was ambushed on the Kokernag - Anantnag road. The Gorkhas lost a couple of men in the ambush and gave chase to the terrorists who were now holed up in Kokernag Fire Station. They surrounded it and a local headmaster was sent in to convince them to surrender. That headmaster was shot dead by the terrorists.  During the night, few Gorkhas had tried to enter the building and two of them were shot at point blank range near the door. After which they reported the events to HQ and sat down.


It was just after day break when we reached and we found the cordon haphazard. So Gen Zaki asked me to go around the perimeter and reorganize the cordon. When I went around and returned, I found that Maj Gen Malik had also reached and his escort was also deployed, the 2 generals were discussing. Gen Zaki wanted to go into the building with his escort and Gen Malik and his esport were asked to provide covering fire. Meanwhile,  the Gorkhas were asked to fire at anything that moved. After about 30 minutes, I was asked to go and inform the cordon to stop firing as our troops would enter the building.  I was supposed to coordinate with the cordon and return to lead the Corps Commanders escort into the building.  But when I returned, to my horror,  I found that Gen Zaki and his escort had crawled towards the building and were mere 20m short of the building.  Gen Zaki was unarmed but he wasn't going to stay behind!! Maybe he would strangle these terrorists!!! The escort who were all wearing bullet proof jackets and helmets were trying to form a body shield for the general.  I dashed across the open ground in zigzag fashion and reached this party as we all simultaneously reached the building.  I asked Gen Zaki to stay there under cover with one soldier and I was enter with the rest, when the house was cleared I would come and fetch him. He refused and demanded I hand over my grenades to him, which I did. Now Gen Zaki had 2 grenades, I had a pistol with 10 rounds and the men had Ak47s with 3 magazines each and 2 grenades each. I broke the glass of a ventilator above the door with my pistol butter and Gen Zaki lobbed in one grenades. After it exploded, he paused for about 5-10 seconds and lobbed in the second. Immediately after that too burst, I kicked the door in and entered. Behind me was the JCO and behind him was Nk Budhi Singh followed by Gen Zaki.

The explosions kicked up a lot of dust and smoke and we could hardly see. Entering through the door, we found ourselves in a 6 ft wide corridor and we were blinded as we came from bright snow covered outside to dark, dusty inside.  I was about 14-15 ft inside the door and the last of the escort was Entering when we heard a burst of AK fire from further up the corridor, bullets whizzing past us and a couple of flashes through the smoke.
Miraculously all the bullets missed me and the JCO.  One bullet hit Nk Budhi Singh on hit left palm, in which he was holding the barrel of his AK 47. The bullet, splinters and fragments from the rifle barrel richocheted up and hit Gen Zaki on the forehead and scalp. If he was an inch taller, he would have died then. But the firing stopped as abruptly as it started (guess they emptied a magazine and ran upstairs). As soon as the escort realised that Gen Zaki was hit, those behind him pulled him out of the door. Everyone scrambled for the door and jumped out, except me. I was too far into the corridor to make it to the door, so I dived into a room. Now I was all alone in this room on the ground floor, just 10 pistol rounds and no grenades. As Gen Zaki was being recovered to safety,  Gen Malik ordered the Gorkhas to open fire, so machine guns from all sides started to hit the building.  I wasn't worried as I  took position in the room, covering the staircase with my pistol. Then the bullets fired by the Gorkhas started to go through the walls all around me. I then realized that though the structure was RCC, the walls were made of mud and hay, finished beautifully like a brick wall with smooth plastering. I found a pillar between 2 windows and put my back to it. Then I thought to let people know that I am alive, so leaned into the window and waved. Several long bursts of LMG fire were aimed at these windows. For 45 minutes I stayed there, bullets going through both windows as the Gorkhas thought they had one terrorist pinned between the windows. Soon they started to fire 84mm Carl Gustaf rockets HE rounds at the building.  Relentlessly, one after the other. A truckload of ammunition had by now reached the site from the unit location and I had the task of trying to guess which side would be hit by the next rocket. Every 30 seconds or so, another rocket would be fired. The building was mostly dilapidated and I had lost my hearing but somehow, mind was sharper than ever. I was literally counting how much time it would take to reload, aim and fire. Using that time to run to the opposite side. Guessing right each and every time. God bless the Gorkhas for being predictable 🙏.
When the building was mostly destroyed and no movement could be seen for some time, the ADC of Gen Malik with his escort approached the building. This was Capt Khera of the Armoured Corps,  son of a Maratha LI officer. I saw him when he was about 75m away and yelled out "Khera sir, stop firing, this is AP here". A lot of shouting ensued and the firing stopped. I kept talking to him as I reached the door. He said "Hurry up, Gen Zaki is hit in the head, RMO has done the dressing,  but is refusing to be evacuated till he sees you, he thinks you may be in worse shape". I was take to where he was, convoy lined up,  him lying in the back of a Jonga, barely awake.

More, I stopped counting. That one day, I had more than 300 bullets pass me within arms reach. There were a few holes in my cap and uniform. 

But that was the easy part. Every time they fired RL, I needed to guess which side  was going to be hit, so I could run to the opposite side. One wrong guess and it would be curtains. But I predicted that the Gorkas wouldn't fire all 4 RLs on all 4 sides at once and was right, they fired one at a time. Then I guessed that the JCO would fire sequentially in clockwise direction and that turned out right too. Then I guessed that the interval between rockets would be roughly 30 to 45 seconds and even that was right. Then I guessed that the Gorkhas wouldn't change the firing pattern till they ran out of ammunition or the target was destroyed and again I was right. This unthinking,  clockwork repetitive and entirely predictable pattern kept me alive.

Hearing impairment for a week was minor price to pay in the end. Recovered hearing fully.

Also read: 


Friday, 18 July 2025

 

1965: A view from the Other Side of the Hill

Review of 'Memoirs of Lt. Gen. Gul Hassan Khan'

https://medalsandribbons.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Final-Consolidated-pdf-MR-July-2025.pdf, pp. 114-119


https://www.thecitizen.in/in-depth/1965-a-view-from-the-other-side-of-the-hill-1165545


Brigadier Gul Hassan Khan was Pakistan Army’s Director Military Operations (DMO) during the India-Pakistan 1965 War. He had been in the chair for the preceding four years, so was privy both to the preparations during the run up and the conduct of operations. His Memoirs, that cover his professional career, carry his observations of the 1965 War. Since the Memoirs are of a forthright officer and written in a straight forward manner, his account of the War, from the unique vantage of a DMO, can be taken as reasonably fair.

Its treatment of the War is reminiscent of Palit’s War in High Himalayas, since Palit was Indian DMO during India’s China War of 1962. Whereas Palit’s is an entire book with his side of the story, Gul Hassan devotes only a portion of his book to 1965, with another substantial section covering his role in the 1971 War as Chief of General Staff (CGS), having both operations and intelligence directorates under him.

Besides Gul Hassan proving to be an engaging author, one with a keen sense of humour, his book is ‘unputdownable’ also because of his sketch of the Pakistan army in its formative years and attaining maturity on the anvil of successive wars with India. Not self-exculpatory, but being more a scathing critique of the army, the book is a valid source on understanding India’s long-time foe.

This article presents Gul Hassan’s version of the 1965 War.

Getting to the know the author

Gul Hassan got to being DMO by sheer dint of professional capability. A product of the Prince of Wales Royal Military College, Dehra Dun, he was commissioned into the Infantry from the Indian Military Academy during the Second World War. The highlight of his war years was in action he witnessed when temporarily with a Rajput battalion deployed in the vicinity of the famous tennis court at Kohima. Later, more substantially, his appointment as aide to ‘Bill’ Slim during the impressionable years of service had a lasting influence on his military life. He observed at firsthand what leadership is and generalship at the operational level is all about. Later, after Partition, as aide to Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah, he imbibed an abiding sense of probity and secularism.

Transferred to the armoured corps, he joined the Probyn’s Horse. Pakistan being member of an American-led anti-Soviet pact, professional growth of officers of Hassan’s generation benefited by the exposure to United States’ (US) training and hardware. Hassan did a tank course in the US and gained an understanding of mechanized warfare that stood him in good stead as a tank regiment and independent armoured brigade group commander. This background placed him well to take over as DMO in January 1961.

The pre-War years

On his very first meeting with his boss, CGS Yahya Khan - later of 1971 infamy - Gul Hassan was given the task of revamping the war plans in light of changes in the capabilities of both sides, India and Pakistan, and terrain changes from canal building. With its American connection deepening by late fifties, Pakistan had adopted the New Concept of Defence, involving greater frontages held by firepower, releasing manpower for raising additional formations, such as the raising of 11 Division for the Kasur sector. Equipped with two light machine guns, a section in defensive role could now hold a wider frontage. The drawback was that frontages were lightly held, which was problematic in face of the higher numbers India could bring to bear in attack.

The revised plans were eventually approved by President Ayub Khan, who though heading the country, also kept tabs on the military side. In essence the plans involved creation and tasking of a counter offensive capability, such as an additional, 6 Armoured Division, being raised. As it turned out, India was not able to keep track of this formation with telling results on outcome in the Sialkot sector. Even so, there was a shortfall of two divisions and a corps headquarters, for which sanction for new raisings was proceeded with but neither materialized by war outbreak.

The reserves created were earmarked for operations respectively in the corridors to north and south of the River Ravi. Gul Hassan was proponent of an early start to offensive operations. To him, the weaker side compensated by seizing the initiative and keeping the stronger side – India - off-balance. To Army Chief, General Musa, this was against the government policy of not initiating a war. A compromise was arrived at in that instead of an offensive, an early counter offensive would be launched on initiation of operations by India.

Even as the plans were upgraded, the DMO kept abreast of developments heralding war. Emerging from its defeat by China in 1962, India was expanding its military. The growth of its air force was seen as particularly threatening. Alongside, political activity with changing the status quo in Kashmir was ongoing, eventuating in the unrest in Kashmir in late 1963 over the episode of Holy relic at Hazratbal. Alerted to an opportunity, Pakistan stepped up to stoke it.

Pakistan army trained and launched volunteers into Kashmir. The aim, conjured up by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto-led foreign ministry was to ‘defreeze’ the Kashmir issue with application of ‘pressure’. A Kashmir Cell was set up with the foreign secretary chairing it. Since the Indian army got the better of the irregulars sent in, a concerted plan was drawn up for guerrilla activity by ‘Azad Kashmir’-deployed 12 Division, Operation Gibraltar. Operation Grandslam was prepared, yet again by 12 Division, to be launched as contingency in support of Operation Gibraltar. To the DMO, such support could only be in the form of the military crossing the Ceasefire Line, which could only provoke Indian response, including across the border. However, the foreign ministry was convinced that the operations would be restricted to Kashmir, leading to Pakistan adopting the policy: ‘Do not provoke. Do not escalate.’

Alongside, the Kutch incident broke out at the other end of the border in early 1965. Hassan records being unimpressed by Tikka Khan – later famous as the Butcher of Dacca - whose 8 Division was not only slovenly in mobilizing from Quetta but also did not exploit success after its attack. Even so, the Kutch outcome encouraged the Pakistan army, though it lost some posts in the Kargil sector to Indian action soon thereafter. The two sides mobilized during the incident and remained watchful thereafter.

The War through the DMO’s eyes

The irregulars were making no progress in Kashmir, not having received the support from the locals as they were led to believe. Operation Gibraltar was readied hastily in May after the Kutch crisis had subsided, and launched in August with little preparation. Some troops of the reserve division, 7 Division, now being commanded by Yahya Khan, were also sucked in. The DMO was not involved in its intricacies, but with India gaining the upper hand, prospects of launch of Operation Grandslam heightened. Just as India took Bedori and linked up Uri and Poonch, the DMO supported the bid of 12 Division for the urgent launch of Grandslam to snap Indian communication lines at Akhnur. However, dithering at the higher level – that of CGS Sher Bahadur, Army Chief Musa and President Ayub Khan – delayed that launch to 1 September. Though it got off to a rapid start, it bogged down midway with a change in command between the commanders of 12 Division, charismatic and innovative Akhtar Malik, and 7 Division’s Yahya, an inexplicable pause from which the thrust was not allowed to recover by Indian firming in.

On 4 September, getting early warning of Indian preparation for operations across the entire front, the DMO alerted all formations. Though after the Kutch engagement, there had been a disengagement, and troops had been permitted some leave. But by 6 September, most formations were at battle stations when India crossed the border in the plains sector. Though cautioned, 10 Division, opposite Lahore, had not quite deployed fully. Even so, forward zone elements bought them enough to avoid a critical situation developing. This complacency perhaps explains how 3 Jat got a foothold across the Bambanwala-Ravi-Bedian (BRB) canal, popularly in India, the Ichhogil Canal. Later, 10 Division launched a counter attack with limited forces, but could not fully retrieve the area lost up to the border.

Alerted to the outbreak of operations in the Sialkot-Sharkargarh sector by the confused beginning of fighting in Jassar sub-sector, the DMO was not overly concerned when India’s 1 Armoured Division made its appearance in the sector on 8 September. In anticipation, Pakistanis had placed its 6 Armoured Division in the area, which gave battle in a defensive role. Though some penetration was achieved by the Indians, the fierce battles around Chawinda ensured no dent in the main defences in Sialkot sector. Much further south, the Pakistanis had a brigade each at Sulaimanki and lower Sindh, whose performance was relatively independent of intimate oversight by the General Headquarters; thus, with greater operational leeway, the two were more successful.

The highlight of 1965 War was the Pakistani counter offensive by its 1 Armoured Division from Kasur. The aim was to seal off the Beas-Sutlej corridor by, maximally, seizing the bridge at Beas, or, minimally, to force the Indian thrust towards Lahore to recoil by threatening its rear along the Barki axis. Alongside, it would thwart any outflanking move by India from the south of Lahore. The plans for the counter offensive had been made earlier, with the DMO urging the 11 Division and 1 Armoured Division commanders to coordinate their respective roles. 11 Division was to establish a bridgehead across Rohi Nallah for the armoured division to breakout across it. It was in the execution of the operation that the Pakistanis faulted, with the major tactical error being the withdrawal by night to laager, on two successive nights, by the armoured division’s leading elements of 5 Armoured Brigade. This allowed time to India to seal off that thrust line, where Havildar Abdul Hameed is credited for his immortal deed. On the operation fizzling out, some elements of the armoured division were moved to Sialkot sector under a new commander - one for the first time from the armoured corps - for a counter attack, but were not in a fit enough condition to be launched before the ceasefire came into effect.

The DMO’s reflections

Gul Hassan reflects on both counter offensives failing. Grandslam failed due to the delay in its launch, which should have coincided with the capture of Hajipir, and the untimely change-over of command just after the initial phase. The operations of 1 Armoured Division were under a constraint of limited armoured infantry availability. 7 Infantry Division, that was to the infantry component of the reserve with 1 Armoured Division for the Ravi-Sutlej corridor, had already been sucked into the two operations in Kashmir. Also, 11 Division was not able to spare infantry, though with the offensive across its frontage, it was secure enough to have spared some. This showed up the shortage of a Corps headquarters, that had been bid for but not provisioned timely. It was only set up in the following year. The DMO blames the higher military leadership, Musa, for not pressing the case with the government, which in the event, was also led by a military man, Ayub. Apparently, Musa pointed to a poor economy as excuse against pressing for the filling up the gap.

Though history has it that the showing of both armies was credible and the War itself was a draw of sorts, the DMO is unsparing in his criticism of the Pakistani showing. True for both armies is gallantry at lower levels. However, structural, organizational and cultural factors need an accounting.

Gul Hassan, inter-alia, dwells on lack of felicity in armoured warfare. The leading armoured brigade commander of 1 Armoured Division was a cavalry officer, and had been an instructor at Quetta staff college. Gul Hassan speculates that had he placed himself right behind the leading elements for intimate control, the break out could not have been stanched. The bridgehead itself was in a rather clustered space, not allowing logistics elements room enough to replenish forward. A natural crossing downstream was not exploited but a new bridge was launched when the only crossing was damaged by a tank. However, Gul Hassan’s major grouse is in the leadership of 1 Armoured Division. He is categoric that the first three commanders not being cavalrymen, they lacked mechanized expertise and a bent for auftragstaktik and therefore could not impart a maneuver culture to their command. The incumbent commander, though having commanded an armoured brigade, was not capacitated enough to merit the appointment.

Gul Hassan’s dissecting of the shortcomings of the Pakistan army has instructive value universally, and on that count must make for a mandatory reading at war colleges. While it is true that the Pakistan army has professionalized much since then, the snapshot he provides of it in the sixties is valid for any army anywhere that departs from professional standards and roles.

He rightly begins at the top. Since Ayub Khan was forced to shepherd the country after politicians and bureaucrats proved self-centered, he placed tractable generals in the key positions in the army. Consequently, the army leadership lost its professionalism. A direct consequence was of decline in training standards, with tactical exercises without troops finding favour since it is easier to push large bodies off troops across a map or sand table. A divide opened up between the senior and junior leadership and groupism made an appearance. The staff was increasingly demanding of units, while reports and returns up the chain were unwarrantedly rosy, especially - and tragically as it turned out - on state of equipment. The security apparatus got a ballast at the cost of trust, to the extent that the outbreak of the War caught the air force by surprise! Most significantly, the institution of the Commanding Officer, the most important link in the command chain, stood devalued.

Incidentally, such straits were not markedly different from that of the Indian army, in light of the relegation of the military in the national consciousness through the fifties. Recall also that the glut of vacancies in higher ranks had resulted in speedier promotions into higher ranks, with some not even having commanded battalions. However, the 1962 War was a timely wake up call, making the government and the army, quickly pull up their socks. So, when War broke out, Indian army had an opportunity to exorcise 1962.

The aftermath

The following year Gul Hassan went on to command 1 Armoured Division, turning it into a cracking formation. He was then back to the GHQ, this time as CGS, an appointment in which he witnessed the run up to the 1971 War and the disaster there – though playing no part in the atrocity crimes that occurred. As CGS, he was a vociferous advocate of the defence of East Pakistan lying in the West and for a speedy offensive to undercut Indian operations in the East before it had time to revert to the West. As CGS, he had pushed for the Eastern Command under Niazi – who he likens to an over promoted company commander – to concentrate early for the defence of Dacca, knowing fully well that a late withdrawal would not be possible in light of Indian outflanking thrusts and the insurgency peaking. However, as is well known, Niazi held the periphery and strong points, intending to prevent loss of a portion of East Pakistan on which the Bangladeshi flag could be hoisted. As a result, he lost the whole. For his part, Yahya’s procrastination over an offensive in the West squarely led to the colossal defeat.

At the bottom of the defeat was not so much the Pakistani army, but the dismal state of politics in Pakistan, personified by Bhutto. Having spent some time with the Qaid-e-Azam, Gul Hassan was aware of the gulf that existed in the standards of political leadership set by Jinnah and the political reality in Pakistan. He saw the role and culpability of Bhutto in goading Ayub into the 1965 War; in bringing about a political impasse in early 1971; and, finally, how post ’71 War, Bhutto tried to degrade the Pakistan army. Having been elevated by Bhutto to Army Chief after the 1971 War, Gul Hassan was unable to stomach the shenanigans of Bhutto. He was forced to resign, but compensated with an ambassadorship in Europe.

Gul Hassan did not get to have a combat command experience, though he appears to have a yen for command. An interesting counter-factual is if he had been in command of 1 Armoured Division, what might have been the showing of the division in battle. Another could well be, if he had been in command in Dacca, what might have been the outcome in ’71.

(Incidentally, encyclopedic Hamid Hussain, the ‘military archaeologist of Pakistan’, informs of Gul Hassan’s refusal of the offer of command in Dacca. A contemporary and fellow school mate, Yakub Khan, resigned from the assignment in dissent against the policy of suppression of Bengali nationalism. History could have been different.)

Personalities matter. For that reason, it is important that higher military leadership is chosen well. We need look no further than Manekshaw for evidence. The major takeaway from the book then is that military leaders must stay apolitical to stay professional and the political class must enable this. Not doing so is sure recipe for a drubbing as Pakistan has found to its great cost in 1965 and more so in 1971.

Book ReviewGul Hassan Khan, Memoirs of Lt. Gen. Gul Hassan Khan, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993, ISBN 978-0-19-574329-2, pp. 438, Rs. 395.